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THIS vohnne must not be taken as furnishing a full and 
cOlnplete history of the Venerable English College in ROlne. 
The material which exists is so abundant and the names of 
those who, in one way or another, have been connected with 
the Establishn1ent from the earliest period of the old English 
Hospice are so numerous and distinguished-many of 
them, indeed, illustrious-that to do adequate justice to 
the story a work of much greater length would be required. 
I have, however, tried to set down what I conceive to be 
the main features of the history, as I could gather them 
from a rapid survey of the material existing in the Archives 
of the Venerabile and elsewhere. My inln1ediate purpose 
was to prepare a record for the celebration J)f the centenary 
of the re-opening of the College in 1818. Circumstances 
arising out of the Great It World-War" made the celebra- 
tion impossible at the time, and these pages are now pub- 
lished in the hope that, until something better is given to 
the public by one who can devote more time to the work 
than I have been able to do, they may serve to awaken 
or keep alive the nlemory of the history of what I believe 
to be one of the most interesting--if, indeed, not the most 
interesting-of the English Institutions on the continent of 
Fortunately, when the College was seized and pillaged 
by the French at the close of the eighteenth century, when 
the Republican troops took possession of Rome, a faithful 
friend was able to carry a wa y and hide the archives. On 
the restoration of the College in 1818 these valuable papers 
were all returned to the authorities. Among the documents 
thus happily preserved are several hundred original Papal 
Bulls and parchment deeds, which go back to the very 
beginning of the English Pilgrims' Hostel in the fourteenth 



century. During the period between the establishment 
of the present College, on the site of the old Hospice, by 
Pope Gregory XIII and the close of the eighteenth century, 
these muniments were well cared for; and at one time, 
about the close of the eighteenth century, a carefully planned 
and well written Index of the entire contents of the College 
Archivium was Inade in six large volumes, which still exist. 
The early account books of the old Pilgrim Hospice of 
St. ThOlnas and those of the sister Establishment of St. 
Edmund, King and Martyr, in the Trastevere, subsequently 
merged into that of St. Thonlas, are naturally full of archæo- 
logical interest. A complete set of books, covering the whole 
period of the existence of the college from its foundation to 
its destruction by the French, are still preserved on the 
shelves in the Archives room, where also may be found a 
long series of registers in which are recorded various 
business transactions in regard to the administration of 
the College property. All these would furnish many items of 
considerable interest and would repay careful examination. 
Besides these, more or less official volumes, there exists a 
large collection of original letters dating from the middle of 
the sixteenth century, and a nunlber of important MS. 
books and tracts, some of them connected with the College 
or written by authors who were members of the Establish- 
ment at the time. For exan1ple, what would appear to be 
the original copy of Harpsfield's Historia Anglicana Eccle- 
siastica is amongst the treasures in this collection, and two 
other volumes are of special interest and importance; 
namely, the College Diary and the Pilgrim Book. The 
former records the names and gives details of the students 
of the College, many of whom gave their lives for the Faith 
during the years when the Catholic religion was proscribed 
in England. This has been printed and edited, although not 
very carefully, by Brother Foley in his volume of Records oj 
the English Province S.J., which deals with the English 
College at Rome. I have not hesitated to TIlake use of his 
1 abours , and hereby acknowledge my great indebtedness to 
him for all that concerns the students. Also this diligent 
labourer has edited in the same volume the second book 
to which I refer-the Pilgrim Book. In tills are registered 



the names of the English Visitors, who came to Rome 
and naturally to the English College during the sixteenth, 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
Besides, once for all acknowledging my indebtedness to 
the late Brother Foley, S.J., I desire to express my thanks 
for the help given me by Mgr. Mann, the Rector of the Bede 
College in Rome, who not only read through the MS. and 
suggested corrections and additions, but also has furnished 
me with the story of the Sc/zola A llglorm1Z in Rome, which 
forms the first chapter of this volume. Mr. Short of the 
English College has helped me very much in the illustrations 
of this volume, and I desire to express to him n1Y thanks, 
as well as to Dr. Ashby and Mrs. Strong of the British 
School in Rome, from whom I had received much help and 
encouragement. Lastly, I am greatly indebted to the Lord 
Bishop of Clifton, who has read the proof sheets and 
suggested several additions and corrections. 

Pala,:zo di S. Calisto in Trastevere. 
June 19 1 9. 



INDEX 273 





From a PhotograPh by A1tdersoll. 



From Bronze Plaque. 



From a PaÙzting at the English College, Rome. 


From a PailltÙzg by Furse at the English College, Rome 






\VHEN an Englishman, especially if he be a student of the 
Venerable College of the English in Rome, who has th
interest in the fortunes of his fellow-countrymen in the 
Eternal City, has learnt that the scholastic home of many 
of thenl is the heir of a mediæval hospice, he must naturally 
wish to know sonlething of the institution from which this 
College has sprung.! A little investigation will reveal to 
him that the said hospice was founded in the fourteenth 
century in order to minister to the wants of English visitors 
and pilgrinls to the religious centre of the world. Should 
he push his enquiries a little further, he will find that this 
hospice of St. ThOll1as had itself been instituted to replace 
a former one which had been erected sonle six centuries 
before to serve the same purpose. Filled then perchance 
with laudable pride that an existing English institution 
in Rome should be so closely connected with so large a 
portion of the religious history of his race, he may wish to 
learn if anything is known of this earlier hospice, the founda- 
tion of which would thus seem to date from the first days 
of the conversion of his countrymen. It is to satisfy such 
an enquirer that this chapter has been written. 
It was, as is well known, at the very close of the sixth 
century that Pope Gregory the Great sent from the monas- 
tery of St. Andrew, which he had founded on the Cælian 
hill, the Benedictine abbot St. Augustine with a number 
of monks to convert the Angles and Saxons of England. 

1 A large portion of this chapter appeared in the Tablet of Oct. 1913. 
and is used here with its kind permission. 



The labours of these apostles, helped in turn by other mis- 
sionaries from Rome, from Gaul, and fron1 the little isle of 
Iona, were most successful. Before the lapse of a century 
the fierce Anglo-Saxons who had exterminated the faith of 
Christ in Roman Britain had themselves accepted it. Like 
the Franks, they bowed before what they had previously 
burnt. But long before the conversion of the whole of 
England, the stream of pilgrims and visitors from it to Rome 
had begun to flow. 
There was one city in the world at least that was known 
by every barbarian in Europe. The might of Rome had 
impressed itself indelibly upon them. But its name for 
many ages inspired theln for the most part with only a 
feeling of hatred for its oppressions. They longed to destroy 
it, and they succeeded but too well in wrecking its material 
power. Gradually, however, they found that the City 
whose marvellous might they had brought to naught, was 
putting forth a spiritual power which they could not resist. 
Again, then, the \vish came upon then1 to TIlake Rome their 
goal. But now it was the wish of their hearts to pray where 
they had scoffed, to bring back their gold, frankincense and 
myrrh to the City from which they had plundered so much. 
I t is impossible to say who were the first of our Christian 
countrynlen who first nlade their way to Ronle to pray at the 
shrines of the Apostles, to do homage to the successor of 
the great Pontiff who had sent apostles to convert then1, 
and, no doubt, to look upon the fanlous City which they 
had been taught first to hate and afterwards to love. If, 
however, we are prepared to accept the words of Eddi, the 
enthusiastic biographer of St. \Vilfrid of Hexhanl, it was 
that ardent soul who was the first Christian Englishman to 
make the U Ronle journey." Possibly he was the first 
distinguished Englishman who went to Rome. IIis first 
visit was as early as the nliddle of the seventh century 
(c. 654). Although later on he betook himself to the Eternal 
City to obtain from the Pope that ecclesiastical justice which 
he could not secure in his own land, we may be sure that in 
his first visit to Rome, he was influenced by other motives 
than the search after justice. He may then be usefully 
thought of as the first English pilgrim to Rome. 



At any rate, we know that the exan1ple set by hinl of 
visiting Rome was certainly followed; and, long before even 
the seventh century had run its course, every class of 
English society sent many of its menlbers to Rome. Thither 
went on pilgrimage, says Venerable Bede, U noble and sinlple, 
men and ''''omen, soldiers and private persons, moved by the 
instinct of divine love"; 1 or, as St. Boniface, the Apostle 
of Germany, expresses it, English people U left their country's 
shores, and trusted thelTIselves to the ways of the sea, and 
sought the shrines of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul." 2 
l\lany, however, went to Rome not merely as pilgrirns. 
Some, as for instance St. Wilfrid himself, went to the Eternal 
City to carry canonical appeals to the Pope or to learn the 
ecclesiastical discip1ine of Rome. l\lany, too, went for 
purposes of study,S to learn music, or to gain an insight into 
other branches of art. For we nlust never lose sight of the 
fact that the arts were cultivated at RODle throughout the 
whole of the IVIiddle Ages, and that, too, even during its 
darkest days in the tenth century. Even the art of paint- 
ing did not, as is still believed by some, owe its glorious 
renaissance in the fourteenth century to Florence. That 
fortunate city received its artistic inspiration fron1 Rome, 
fronl Pietro Cavallini. 4 Our countrynlen, then, often went 
to Rome in the :l\Iiddle Ages to study art; they went there 
also to buy books,s to purchase articles of vÙtu,6 and to 
procure workers in wood, stone and glass. 7 They went 
there, in short, for humanitas in the fullest sense of that 
comprehensive word. Of the Jmmanitas which Dlen found 
in Rome we have some striking examples. In the days of 
Pope Leo IX there went to Ron1e Thorfinn, Earl of the 

1 De sex ætat., 720; Hist. Eccles., v. 7. 
z Ep, 14 of St. Boniface ap. Mon. Germ., Epp. III. 
:I Bede, v. 19; Vitæ Abbat., nn. 2, 18. 
t See Crowe and Cavalcaselle, Hist. oj Paintings, i. p. 53 n. 
6 Bede, Vitæ, nn. 4, I I. 
6 The famous Henry, Bp. of 'Winchester, brother of King Stephen 
.. veteres statuas emit Rome." John of Salisbury, Hist. Pontif., 39 ap. M., 
S.SS., xx. Cf. vito S. Abbo" c. II, ap. P.L., t. 139. 
7 Vitæ, nn. 6, 9. Our Henry III brought artists of .. Cosimati .. work 
to decorate 'Westminster Abbey. The cornice of the Confessor's tomb 
displays (1279): .. Petrus, Civis Romanus .. and its basement" Odericus 
Romanus." Lethaby, Medieval Art, pp. 259, 282 f. 



Orkneys, who did not get his title of the H raven-feeder" 
without terrible cause. After his visit to Rome and his 
interview with the Pope, this ferocious sea-king on his return 
home U sat down quietly, and kept peace over all his realm. 
Then he left off warfare, and turned his mind to ruling the 
people and the land, and to law-giving." Our great King 
Canute himself put on record in his famous letter to the 
English people what a civilising effect the" humanity" of 
Rome had had upon hin1. The still greater Charlemagne 
effected his gigantic work for the uplifting of his enonnous 
empire through his contact with Rome. 
For this hll'manitas our countrymen sought Rome, in 
spite of the serious dangers and difficulties that nearly always 
beset the journey thither. At one time it was the Lango- 
bardorum immanitas that had to be feared. Later on in the 
tenth century it was the savage Saracen. More than once 
will be found in the Chronicler Frodoard entries like the 
following: In the year 923 "a great number of English, 
on their way to the threshold of the Apostles for the sake 
of prayer, were slain by the Saracens in the Alps." Still 
later, especially after the reforms inaugurated by Hildebrand 
(Gregory VII) in the eleventh century, the dissensions 
between the Papacy and the Empire brought great dangers 
to the pilgrinl. The Emperors set up antipopes, and their 
followers showed little mercy to the unhappy traveller whonl 
they caught making his way to Rome or to the true Pope. 
One of our old chroniclers 1 has left us an anlusing él.ccount 
of a journey 2 to Italy of the monk Sampson of Bury St. 
Edmunds during the time of the antipopes set up by the 
Emperor Frederic I, Barbarossa, against Alexander III 
(c. 1160). 
Owing to the perpetual strife throughout the Middle 
Ages between ourselves and our neighbours, the Scots, it 
was the rule that, if there was any schism in the Church, 
and the English acknowledged one Pope, the Scotch acknow- 
ledged his rival. At the time of which we are treating, the 
English acknowledged Alexander III. Accordingly, Samp- 
son, who had to pass through parts of Italy in the hands of 
the antipope in order to reach Alexander, feigned to be a 
1 Jocelin of Brakelond. Cf. p. 14. I A.D. 1159-1162. 



Scotchman, for he was in danger, says the chronicler, (I of 
being hanged or incarcerated, or of having his nose and lips 
cut off, and of being in that condition sent to Pope Alexander 
for his shame and confusion." When questioned, he talked 
gibberish in a kind of English, brandished his staff as the 
Scotch did their ga velocs or pikes, and also, after their 
manner, so we are told, used threatening language. By 
these devices he reached Rome, and procured from Alexander 
the written privileges of which he was in quest. With these 
he set out on his return journey rejoicing. But, so he told 
the story himself, he was seized by the officers of a certain 
castle, who declared that he was either a spy or was bearing 
letters from the false Pope Alexander. It But," continues 
Sampson, H whilst they were searching my ragged clothes, 
my leggings and breeches, and even the old shoes which I 
carried over my shoulders after the manner of the Scotch, 
I thrust nlY hand into the little wallet which I carried, 
wherein was contained the writing of our Lord the Pope, 
which was close by a little jug which I used for drinking 
purposes. Then, the Lord God and St. Edmund so per- 
mitting, I drew out the writing, together with the jug, and, 
extending nlY arm aloft, I held the writ underneath the jug. 
They could see the jug plain enough, but they did not notice 
the writ. But whatever money I had about me they took 
away, and so I had to beg from door to door till I arrived 
in EngJand." 
AlnlOst as fatal to the pilgrim to Rome were the elements. 
Ice and snow waylaid the travellers over the Mons J ovis- 
the great pass of St. Bernard. A monk of Canterbury 1 has 
left us a vivid picture of the awe with which the peaks and 
precipices of the Alps inspired him, and he writes to tell 
his brethren in England how his ink which he carried in a 
little bottle at his girdle all froze solid, and how his very 
breath froze on his beard. Hence it is not surprising to 
read of one of our Archbishops of Canterbury, Elfsy, being 

1 Giraldus Cambrensis, too, speaks feelingly of the precipices, snows 
and robbers of the Alps, and tells uS that the people in the vale of Spoleto 
were astonished at his safe crossing of them. .. Qui Alpes illas prædonibus 
et periculis plenas sic indemnis pertransivit." Gp. vol. iii. p. 241, Rolls 



frozen to death in the Alps (c. 958) when on his way for his 
The sea, too, when it did not drown the unfortunate 
tra veller made him often dreadfully miserable. An English 
poenl of the fifteenth century, published by the Early 
English Text 1 Society, gives a most graphic and humorous 
description of the horrors of a long sea voyage. For, a
shall again have occasion to note, many of our countrymen 
went the whole way to Rome by water. The poem tells 
how unfortunate pilgrims were pushed about by the sailors, 
who found, or pretended to find them in the way when they 
were working the ship, and who, with their usual contempt 
for land lubbers, took pleasure in bantering thenl when they 
were in the agonies of sea-sickness. The Captain cries :- 

Hale the bowe lyne I Now, rere the shete I 
Cooke, make redy anoon our mete, 
Our pylgryms have no lust to ete. 
I pray God give them rest. 

The sailors, too, make them more miserable by suggesting 
an approaching storm :- 

Then cometh oone and seyth: Be mery 
Ye shall have a storm or a pery (squall). 

Nevertheless, despite these and many other difficulties 
and dangers, 2 our countrynlen not only went to Rome in 
large TIuTIlbers during the :Middle Ages, but went there over 
and over again. Benedict Biscop, the energetic abbot of 
St. Peter's at 1Ionkwearmouth, who did so llluch to illuilline 
our north country, went to Rome no less than five tilnes. 
In a word, so regular was the intercourse of our mediæval 
countrymen with Rome that our earliest national chronicler, 
in connection with the year 889, thought it worth recording 
that H there was no journey to ROlne, except that King 

1 The Stations oj Rome, p. 35 fl. The various difficulties of the Roman 
journey are summed up by Hildebert of Le Mans" in libro suo epistolari." 
.. Nobis Romam profecturis tempus hyeme suspectum, nivibus Alpes, 
incrementis aquæ, vinculis imperator, seditionibus civitas, exactione 
palatium (Lateran). Sane omnia hæc orationibus evacuari posse credimus, 
solam vero exactionem nec oratione nec jejunio temperari." Quoted by 
Giraldus Camb., Speculum Eccles., iv. 18, Op, iv. p. 3 0 1. 
I Cf. Jusserand, EnglishlWayJaring LiJe, p. 257. 



Alfred sent two couriers with letters." 1 Unfortunately, 
however, even though, as Bede says, it was thought "a 
thing of great virtue to go to Rome," 2 not all who left 
England for Rome got virtue of any kind from the journey. 
Sometimes the pilgrims were only dishonest traders who 
assumed the dress of the palmer, in order to escape paying 
the tolls which were gradually relaxed in favour of the 
bona fide pilgri1n. 3 A much worse evil was the number of 
women, both nuns and others, who got themselves into 
disgrace when abroad through want of money or proper 
protection, not to say through any evil inclinations of their 
own. So serious was this evil that our countryInan, St. 
Boniface, the falnous apostle of Gern1any, when writing to 
the authorities at home, stated that there was scarcely a 
city in Lon1bardy, Frankland (Francia) or Gaul in which 
there was not an Englishwoman leading a notoriously bad 
life ! 4 
Fortunately, from the very earliest times, among those 
who took a keen interest in the" Rome journey" were the 
Anglo-Saxon rulers themselves, and they proved both able 
and willing to supply some remedy for these evils. The 
first of our Kings who made up his n1Ïnd to go to Rome was 
Oswin, our great Northumbrian sovereign.5 Death, however 
(670), prevented him from carrying out his intention. 6 But 
the first English King actually to go to Rome was Cædwalla, 
King of the "Vest Saxons, who died there, as he had wished, 
immediately after his baptism (689). His epitaph, now 
lost, was to be seen for many centuries in the portico of 
old St. Peter's and was not unfrequelltly copied by the more 
curious pilgrinls. It was composed by Benedict, the con- 
temporary Archbishop of Milan. Buried ill some way along 
with the ton1b (area) on which it was cut, it was recently, 
says John de Deis, dug up by those who were building the 
present St. Peter's.7 Coinred, King of the :Mercians, and 
Offa, the heir to the throne of the East Saxons, went 
1 Ang,-Sax. Chron., 889. I Hist. Eccles., iv. 14. 
8 Ep. Charlemagne, II, ap. Ja:ffé, Mon. Carol" p. 357. 
4 Ep., ap. M., G. Epp., iii. 78 (middle of eighth century). 
6 Bede, iv. 5. 6 Ib. v. 7. 
7 Successores S. Barnabæ Ap., f. 23, Rome, 1589, ap. De Rossi, 
Inscript. Christianæ, II. pt. i. p. 70, n. 40. 



together, not many years after; and both, according to 
the phrase of Bede, l "became monks at the shrine of the 
apostles" (709), and both died in Rome. Others of our 
Princes followed their exan1ple. 
Among these others was Ina, the successor of Cædwalla. 
\Vhen he had reigned over the \Vest Saxons for thirty-seven 
years (688-725) he also resigned his kingdom, and to use 
the words of Bede, "went to Rome to visit the shrines of 
the blessed Apostles. . . being desirous to spend some time 
of his pilgrimage upon earth in the neighbourhood of holy 
places, that he n1Ïght be more easily received by the saints 
into heaven." 
This visit of Ina proved of lasting importance, for he 
founded the Schola Anglorum. At least, such is the asser- 
tion of Matthew Paris. It is true he is only a late authority, 
but nothing can be urged against the substantial accuracy 
of his staten1ents, and as will be apparent later on, the author 
on whom Paris is here resting, was alive at a time when 
special attention had been called in England to the Schola 
by vain appeals made to it to save their national centre in 
Rome from ruin. :Moreover, contemporary evidence of the 
early ninth century proves that the Schola Anglorum was 
certainly in existence in the eighth century. What then is 
the precise testimony of Matthew Paris? These are his 
words: "\Vhen Ina arrived in Rome he built a house, with 
the a pproval of Pope Gregory (II), which he called the 
School of the English (Scholam Anglorum). This he did 
in order that the kings of England and the Royal family 
with the bishops and priests and clergy might come to it to 
be instructed in learning and in the Catholic faith, lest 
anything Inight be taught in the English Church which was 
heterodox (sin'istrum) or opposed to Catholic unity. Thus 
they would return home thoroughly strengthened in the 
faith." "Moreover," continues the Monk of St. Albans, 
" Ina built near the aforesaid house a church in honour of 
the Blessed Virgin Mary in which the divine mysteries 

1 V. 7. Cf. William of Malmesbury, De Gest, reg., ii. c. 2, for Ina's 
sojourn in Rome, and the device by which his queen Ethelburga induced 
him to give up the luxuries of a throne. He, ib., attributes the foundation 
of the Schola A ngloyu11Z to Offa. King of the Mercians. 



might be celebrated for the English who came to Rome, and 
in which such of them as might die in Ron1e might be buried. 
Finally, in order that his work might be lasting, it was 
ordained by a decree of the Witan (generali decreto) that, 
throughout the whole kingdom of the \Vest Saxons, every 
family should every year send to Blessed Peter and the 
Ronlan Church one dena1'ius (or silver penny) (which is 
known in English as Romescot), in order that the English 
who resided there might have a means of support." 1 
According, therefore, to 
Iatthcw Paris, or really according 
to John of the Cell (d. 1214) wholll he is quoting, Ina founded 
in Rome a theological school in the modern sense of a school, 
a hospice and a church, and instituted Peter's Pence. 
Now it is no doubt probable that there may be son1e 
exaggeration in these statenlents, and that Paris or John 
of the Cell llmy have attributed to Ina all the developments 
of the School which were in existence just before his own 
time, and which were really the work of several successive 
English rulers. 2 But there is no reasonable room for doubt 
that a substantial beginning of the Anglo-Saxon quarter 
in Rome was made by Ina himself. 
:Moreover, the story of Ina's connection with the English 
School receives some confirmation from Roman tradition. 
For to this day you will find in the Church of San Spirito in 
Sassia, which occupies the site of the Church of Our Lady 
in Sassia (S. Maria in Sass2.a, or ScJwla Anglorum), an ancient 
picture of our l.ady which, according to Roman tradition, 
was given to the church by King Ina. The picture is, at 
any rate, declared to be of the seventh or eighth century, 
and a seventeenth century inscription on the wall of the 
church not far frolll the picture sets fOlih that the Canons 
of St. Peter dedicated a golden crown to it, as it had been 
preserved from the fires in the days of Pope Paschal I and 
of Pope Leo IV, and as it was fan10us by reason both of its 

1 II Vitale subsidium." Matthew Paris, Chron. Maj., an. 727, i. 330 f. 
Rolls Series. On Ina's connection with Peter's Pence, see also the 
document II De Saxonum Adventu " inserted in Simeon of Durham, ii. 371, 
Rolls Series. 
z 73 8 , Queen Frithogith of the '\-Vest Saxons retires to Rome. Henry of 
Huntingdon, I. iv. sub. an. 736, and Florence of Worcester, an. 737. 



age and of the miracles worked in connection with it.! In 
the sacristy of this same church 2 there are a nun1ber of 
frescoes which show what was the tradition on the spot 
regarding the origin of the Schola Anglorum. One of these 
frescoes depicts the founding of the Schola by Gregory II 
and Ina in the year 725, and another shows Charlenmgne 
and King OHa adding to it in 794. Whenever and by whom- 
soever the School of the English was founded, it was no 
doubt to some extent modelled on the older non-Germanic 
sc.hola of the Greeks which was situated in the neighbourhood 
of S. l\faria in Cosmedin, and its buildings were certainly 
erected in the classical Horti Agrippinæ which were situated 
to the south-east of the Circus of Nero below the Vatican 
Hill. The whole quarter, once familiar as the palatium of 
Nero, henceforth became the" Vicus Saxonulll." 
The next of our Kings whose name is connected by our 
historians with the Schola Anglorum is, as we have just 
seen, OHa II, King of Mercia, whom the same Matthew Paris 
calls the" great King who ruled o,.er twenty-three provinces 
which the English call shires." 3 He was the founder of the 
famous monastery of St. Alban's, and went to Rome (793), 
as we learn again from Matthew Paris,4 to get papal privileges 
for his new establishment. When he reached his destina- 
tion he at once visited (conterit) the longed-for threshold 
of the Apostles, and with pious devotion hurried (Percurrit) 
to the different shrines of the Saints. Then in gratitude for 
obtaining from the Pope all that he required, he gave the 
"Schola Anglorum which then flourished in Rome" a 
denarius (silver penny) from every family whose arable 
land (Pasena) was worth over thirty denarii. "This he gave 
for the support of those of his kingdom who went to Rome." 
So much, indeed, was done by King OHa for the" English 
School" that by some of our historians who lived before 
Matthew Paris he is thought to have been the founder of 

1 Galletti, InscriPtiones Romanæ, p. xxi., n. 30; Rome, 1760. 
Z Cf. infra fOf fuller details about this interesting sacristy. 
3 Loc. cit" p. 360. 
t Or whoever was the author of the earlier portion of the Chron. Maj., 
quoting from the Life of Offa II, written probably by the author of that 
earlier portion, ap. ib., p. 358...:ff. 



it.! We may here add that deposits of Anglo-Saxon coins 
which ha ve 
been found in Rome from tinle to time prove 
that money was regularly sent out from England. Accord- 
ing to Professor Lanciani three such deposits have been 
found in the City. 2 The first was discovered in 1843 walled 
up in the old belfry of St. Paul's-outside-the-Walls, the 
second at Tre Fontane in 1871, and the third on November 8, 
1882, in the House of the Vestals in the Forum. s 
To proceed with the history of the Schola. \Vhile a 
letter of Pope John VII (705-7) shows us that there were a 
considerable nun1ber of English clergy resident in Rome, 
the contemporary biographer of Pope Leo III (795- 816 ) 
makes it plain that in the year 800 the EngHsh residents 
formed an organised community (schola) and that their 
example had in this respect been followed by other Teutonic 
peoples. In that year (800) the mighty King Charlemagne 
came to Rome, and, says the biographer in question, was 
welconled, among others, (( by all the schools (scole) of the 
foreigners, viz., by the Franks, Frisians, Saxons (or Angles) 
and Lonl bards. OJ 4 
Except for the brief reign of Stephen (IV), Pope Leo III 
was succeeded by Paschal I (817-824), and his contemporary 
biography gives us, in language not in the least compli- 
mentary to our people, the next notice of their colony and 
quarter. (( Through the slothfulness of certain people of 
the English race," begins the historian, (( the whole of their 
quarter (habitatio), which in their language is called Burg 
(burgus), was burnt to the ground." Besides nearly all the 
portico on the colonnade which led from the bridge of St. 
Angelo to the basilica of St. Peter's was similarly destroyed. 
\Vhen word of the fire was brought to Paschal in the early 
hours of the morning (lloctis cOllticinium), (( through his love 

1 William of Malmesbury, Hist., ii. 2. Matthew Paris, Chron. Maj., i. 
p. 331, Rolls Series, says that" the avarice of the Romans had already 
deprived it of its revenues and ruined it, when OHa restored it." Matthew 
Paris is here, no doubt, anticipating certain events that happened later. 
Z New Tales oj Old Rome, p. 268 H. 
3 This last collection of coins may be seen in the Museo delle Terme. 
4 Vit. Leonis ap. Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis. ii. 6, 36. Cf. a mention 
of "alie nationes" with the Romans at the funeral of Paul I (767), ap. 
ib. i., 465. 



of the Church of Blessed Peter the Apostle, and his distress 
for the Inisfortune of those foreigners," says the biographer, 
without waiting to dress himself completely, he TI10unted 
his horse and hurried to the spot barefoot. Animated no 
doubt by his arrival, those who were fighting the flames 
succeeded in extinguishing them. The compassionate Pontiff 
gave the unfortunate English not only money, food and 
raiment, but also wood to enable them to rebuild their 
houses. This took place in the year 817.1 Sonle thirty 
years later fresh misfortunes fell upon the" Borough" or 
"Borgo" of the English. It was no doubt much damaged 
in the Saracen raid of 846, and in the next year, "in the 
very beginning of the pontificate of Sergius II," as his 
biographer tells us, fire again broke out in their quarter. 
It proved a very serious affair. It consumed the Lombard 
quarter, and sweeping along the portico threatened St. 
Peter's itself. Great crowds of people endeavoured in vain 
to stem the rush of the flames, which we are assured were 
stopped at length by the Pope's making the sign of the 
cross over them. For some years the damage done by this 
disastrous fire was not made good. But in 854 King Ethel- 
wulf canle to Rome with his son, "England's darling," 
Alfred, whom he had sent there in the previous year to be 
anointed King. He remained in the City a whole year with 
Alfred, and" at great expense," says the historian, repaired 
the "Schola Saxonunl" which King Ina had founded. 2 
King Alfred was now well known in Rome, and his striking 
career was naturally watched with interest. Because, says 
one of our quaint chronicles written in old French, he 
"accomplished and procured so much by his goodness"; 
Pope Marinus sent him some of the Cross on which Christ 
was slain, and did him so much honour with good gifts, 
and such relics " that he would never die by arms." As he 
was in such favour with this Pope, Alfred used his influence 
in behalf of his countrymen in Rome, and the same historian 
tells us that it was this Pope" who first enfranchised the 

1 So says the Ang.-Sax. Chron., an. 817. Cf. Lib. Pont., ii. 53 f. 
2 Libe de Hyda, p. 25, Rolls Series. Cf. Asser, nn. 8, II, pp. 7, 9, ed. 
W. H. Stevenson, Oxford, 1904; and Ep Leo IV, ap. llion. Germ., 
Epp. III. 602. 



, ' 



































u "'d 










English School by the procurement of King Alfred." 1 
Another chronicle written more than a century later says 
that King Canute obtained fronl Pope John "that the 
schools of England should be free from aU manner of obliga- 
tions." 2 He no doubt completed in the matter of freedom of 
the Schola Anglorum from taxation and obligations of all 
kinds the work of King Alfred. At any rate at length, 
to use the words of the previously cited chronicle: II It 
was free, God be praised." 
If, however, the English, as we have seen some reason 
to believe, were n10re careless than the Romans of the ninth 
century, they would appear to have been braver. In the 
raid of 846 just mentioned, the Saracens, who had begun to 
be the scourge of the Mediterranean, sailed with a large 
armament to the mouth of the Tiber and landed a consider- 
able raiding party. At once a body of the foreigners in 
Ronle, English, Frisians and Franks, marched to meet them. 
But unfortunately, after some slight successes, the foreign 
sc/zola were surprised (it is to be hoped not again through 
the carelessness of the English) and cut to pieces, and all 
their quarters, which were then outside the walls of Rome, 
as well as the basilicas of SS. Peter and Paul, were sacked 
by the Saracens. 
This disastrous raid was felt to be a disgrace and a menace 
to Europe, and Pope and Emperor combined to render the 
sacking of St. Peter's more difficult for the future. Pope 
Leo IV surrounded the Vatican with a wall, and thus made 
what from him came to be known as the Leonine City. 
This Pope had also the Schola Anglorunl brought strongly 
before him. Not only had he, too, in the very beginning 
of his pontificate to assist in quenching a fire in the English 
quarter (a fire immortalised by Raphael in his" Incendio 
1 Listoire des Engles, lines 3323 fl., Rolls Series. This chronicle was 
written in the twelfth century not later than 1147. All this rests on the 
authority of Alfred's contemporary biographer, Asser, who says: U Qui 
(Pope Marinus) Scholam Saxonum in Roma morantium pro amore et 
deprecatione Ælfredi Angulsaxonum regis, ab omni tributo et telonio 
benigne liberavit. Qui etiam multa dona dedit prædicto regL" Among 
these gifts, Asser mentions U a no small portion of the true Cross." N. 71 
p. 53, ed. Stevenson. 
I "E purchaca . . . ke les escoles de Engletere fussent franches de 
tute manere demande:' Le livere de Reis de Engletere, p. 108, Rolls Series. 



del Borgo" in the Vatican), but, from the fact that one of 
the three gates of his new City was in their quarter, he 
called it from their language the U Postern Gate of the 
Saxons," 1 and gave the English and the other foreigners 
(diversis nationib'lts) splendid presents when his City was 
finished. The same Pope (Leo IV) is also said by his 
biographer to have wholly rebuilt the primitive Church of 
our Lady of the English quarter. 2 Subsequent repairs and 
alterations of the church are by some authors attributed 
to Innocent III and Sixtus IV. Paul III with the aid of 
Sangallo is said to have rebuilt it, and Mascherino to have 
added the existing façade for Sixtus V in the first year of 
his glorious reign. That Sixtus caused the façade to be built 
seems clear, for it bears, if not his arms, what may perhaps 
be styled his crest (gran de stemma), a dove amid rays. 
There is just one more item of ninth century history to 
which attention may be called. As that century neared 
its conclusion the Danes began to make terrible inroads into 
our country, and among those who left it in despair was 
Burhed, King of Mercia. He retired to Rome, died there, 
and, says the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, U his body lies in 
St. Mary's Church at the English school" (874). 
Contemporary ninth century evidence, then, puts before 
us near St. Peter's a regular quarter supplied with a church, 
and inhabited by our countrymen in such numbers as to 
be able to furnish a quota of militia. It prepares us to 
accept the assertions of Matthew Paris, as do also the well 
ascertained facts that Peter's Pence was instituted during 
this century either by Ethelwulf 3 or by his son Alfred the 
Great, 4 and that that national offering was divided between 
the Pope and the Schola Anglorum. 5 
Just, then, as in England our countrymen built a Peter's 

1 Lib. Pont., in vito Leo: .. Posterulam aliam que respicit ad Scolam 
Saxonum, que, ex eorum vocabulo, , Saxonum posterula ' appellatur." 
2 Lib, Pont., ii. 128: " A fundamentis supra scholam Saxonum noviter 
construxit." Above ground the present Church of San Spiro in S. shows 
no trace of either Ina's or Leo's building. 
a So says William of Malmesbury, De gest. reg., I. ii. 109 (d. 113), 
ap. P.L., t. 179. 
, Cf. his coins found in Rome. 
6 Cf. Ep. of Alexander II. (1061-1073), ap. }affé, 4757 (3524). 



town or burg, i. e. Peterborough, so in Rome they built a 
Saxon burg, which became known to the Romans as the 
Burglts, or as Saxia or Sassia,l and they built it by the river 
for the benefit of their countrymen who came by sea. And 
nlOreover, as King John speaks of our hospice as near the 
street (secus stratam), it would appear that the English. 
quarter occupied half the width of that part of the Leonine 
city where it was situated, and that it was the largest of the 
scholæ of the foreigners. 
The example of the English was, as we have said, rapidly 
followed, and soon, south of the colonnade which linked the 
bridge of St. Angelo with St. Peter's, there were three other 
scholæ, viz. those of the Franks,2 Lonlbards and Frisians 
traces of some of which exist to this da y. The Schola 
Francorum was grouped round the Church of San Salvatore, 
called later on San Salvatore in Macello, or de Torrione, 
or de Assibus. This church may still be seen among the 
buildings of the Holy Office. It was in the cemetery of 
the Schola Francorum that all the foreign pilgrims had 
to be buried until the English obtained the privilege of 
burying their dead in their own quarter. This cemetery 
still exists, and is still used as a burying place for strangers. 
In the Church of St. Michael in the Borgo, we see the centre 
of the Schola Frisonum; 3 but the Church of St. Justin, 
which was the place of worship for the Schola of the Lonl- 
bards, was unfortunately destroyed in that nlost vandal of 
centuries the sixteenth. 
Later on, before the Middle Ages had run their course, 
the Hungarians, Armenians, Abyssinians and Copts had 
also their quarters in the neighbourhood of St. Peter's; 
and to this day traces of some of these peoples are still to 
be seen near the basilica. 4 

1 And so the GraPhia awreæ urbis Romæ speaks of the bridge, .. Nero- 
nanius ad Sassiam," ap. Urlichs, Codex Urb. Rom., p. 118. Cf. p. 15 8 . 
Cf. infra for the King's letter. 
2 Cf. De Waal, La Schola Francorum, p. 6. 
3 Cf. .. Le antiche memorie dei Frisoni in Roma," by P. J. Block, ap. 
Bollettino d. Commis. archæol. Comunale, vol. xxxiv., 1906, p. 40 fl. The 
Church was sometimes called" in Sassia," .. in Palatiolo," .. in Monte," 
and .. ad Porticum." 
( De Waal, I luoghi þii sui territ. Vatic., pp. 20-23, Armellini, Le 
chiese di Roma, pp. 768, 750-54. 



The pilgrimages of our countrymen to Rome continued 
during the tenth century and the first half of the eleventh; 
i. e. during Rome's "dark days" when the city was a 
battlefield of factions, and when its ancient monuments 
were turned into fortresses, whence robber nobles issued 
to attack the defenceless, or to which they retired to escape 
the hands of justice. Among the curious documents which 
have escaped the nloth and the thief for a thousand years 
is a brief Itinerary of a journey made in the midst of this 
black period by Sigeric, Archbishop of Canterbury (J uly 
990). It was first printed by Bishop Stubbs.! Presuming 
that the Archbishop went to Rome by the same route by 
which he returned from it, his Itinerary enables us to say 
that he went from Dover to \Vitsand, 2 and by Guisnes and 
T erouanne to Arras and Laon, through Champagne and 
Burgundy to Pontarlier, and then by Lausanne to St. 
Maurice. As usual, he crossed the Alps by the Great 
St. Bernard Pass, beginning his ascent from Martigny on 
the Rhone, and ascending the course of the Drance by 
Orsières to Bourg St. Pierre. Here the sight of a Roman 
milestone would remind him, as it does the traveller of to- 
day, that this was the pass by which the Roman traders 
and soldiers made their way into Gaul. Here, too, he 
would be told of the cruelties which the Saracens of 
Fraxineto used to inflict on the pilgrims as they crossed 
the pass, for when a few years after this Hugh Bishop of 
Geneva (1019-38, or c. 990-c. 1030 Gams) built a church 
(since reconstructed) at Bourg St. Pierre, an inscription 
was set up recording not merely the original building of the 
church, but also the doings of the Saracens. 3 
If by the year of Sigeric's journey the Hospice, which 
in the ninth century used to be at St. Pierre, had been 
removed, he will have found it at the crest of the pass, 

1 In his Memorials of St. Dunstan, p. iv., 391, Rolls Series. 
II He would take between six or seven weeks over his journey. Guisnes 
is in the Pas de Calis. Wissant or Witsand was the Portus Hius (or 
Iccius) of the Romans, and lay between Calais and Boulogne. Till the 
taking of Calais in 1347, our vessels used to sail to Witsand. 
3 It now forms the doorstep of the present church, and is nearly 
effaced. J. Ball, The Western Alþs, p. 429. London, 1898. 



where now stands the famous Hospice first built by St. 
Bernard of Menthon in the eleventh century. 
He was certainly cheered and refreshed at the Hospice, 
even if he had been a little disappointed at the compara- 
tively dull nature of the scenery through which he had 
passed whilst making his ascent. Perhaps the sight of the 
remains of the temple of Jupiter Penninus 1 may Ílave called 
to his mind that the Pass had taken its name from this 
temple (Mons Jovis). At any rate, he descended the 
mountain by the side of the Buthier,2 and soon reached 
the charming town of Aosta. Then he journeyed through 
Piedmont by Ivrea, and traversed the Lombard Plain by 
Vercelli and Piacenza. Then, crossing the Apennines by 
Pontremoli, he struck Spezzia, and keeping comparatively 
near the coast, he passed Lucca and San Gimignano, and 
turned inland towards Siena. At Acqua-Pendente he 
entered the Patrimony of St. Peter, and then skirting the 
lake of Bolsena, he touched Viterbo and Sutri. From Sutri 
on the Via Cassia he made for Baccano, which is close to the 
old station of H Ad Baccanas." From this station (mutatio), 
which was reckoned at twenty-one Roman miles from the 
Eternal City, he rode on towards the Ponte :Molle (Pons 
Milvius), and thus reached his last station. According to 
the Itinerary, this last halting place, 3 where we may presume 
Sigeric spent the last night of his outward journey, is set 
down as H of John IX, Johannis noni (VIllI)," which no 
doubt was the H burgus JJ and parish H S. Joannis in Nono," 
that is, the hamlet and parish of St. John at the ninth mile- 
stone in the neighbourhood of Veii. 4 When Rome could be 
seen the eager pilgrim would behold St. Peter's, not as now 
with its dome swelling up above the rolling Campagna like 
a graceful hill, but nevertheless a glorious basilica over 
3 0 0 feet long and 200 feet broad. Our Archbishop, rising 

1 Now the only remains are cuttings for the foundation of the temple 
(d. Not. Scavi, Milan, 1894, p. 33). It is interesting to note that in making 
the road on the Swiss side some English coins of the eleventh and twelfth 
centuries were found. They were no doubt the property of some English- 
man who perished there (ibid., p. 35, n. 2). 
I A tributary of the Dora Baltea. 
3 The Itinerary names eighty stages altogether. 
· Cf. Tommasetti, La Campagna Roma
la. iii. 98. 



very early on the last morning of his journey, continued to 
follow the Via Cassia until it joined the great north road, the 
Via Flanlinia, and crossing almost immediately after- 
wards the Ponte Molle (Pons Milvius), two miles from Rome, 
gazed with historic reverence on It Father Tiber." 
But Sigeric was no antiquarian, and the walls of Rome, 
and the great Porta Flaminia by which he entered it, had 
no attractions for him, except in so far as they enclosed so 
many of the shrines of the Saints. No sooner had he entered 
the city than he hurried to St. Peter's (Primitus ad limitem 
b. Petri Ap.). Then he visited the Church of St. Mary of 
the English (deirzde ad S. IJilariam seolam Arzglorum), and 
no doubt there announced his coming and his intention 
to pass some tinle with his countrymen in Rome. Next, 
recrossing the river, he looked in at the Church of St. 
La"Tence in Lucina, or in Craticula as the Itinerary calls 
it, and again passing through the Porta Flaminia, returned 
almost as far as the Ponte Molle to see the Church of 
St. Valentine, one of the halting places of the procession of 
the It great litany" on St. Mark's Day (April 23). 
It would be wearisome to tell of the other churches the 
indefatigable prelate visited on this day. He made the 
entire circuit of the city walls, seeing the great basilicas 
outside the walls. Re-entering the city by the Porta 
Capena (di S. Paolo), he examined sonle of the churches on 
the Aventine and in the Trastevere. Then, concludes the 
clerk, It we returned home" to the Schola Anglorum. On 
the second day the worthy prelate did not visit so many 
churches. His clerk furnishes us with the reason. " We 
dined with the lord Pope John" (XV) at the Lateran, and 
no doubt made arrangements with him to receive the pall; 
for it was to get the pall or pallium that Sigeric had under- 
taken the journey to Rome.! 
It would take too long to put on record the other famous 
people from this isle who reached Rome in the early Middle 
Ages, and found rest and refreshment at the Schola Anglorum. 
But it is interesting to know that King Macbeth was one 
of them (r050). 
The interest of the Popes in the English colony showed 
1 Ang.-Sax. Chron. , an. 990. 



itself in various ways. Though, for instance, they allowed 
others to choose the subordinate officials of the Schola 
Anglorum, they reserved to thenlselves the choice of its 
supreme director, the archpriest. 1 The It others" referred 
to were the canons of St. Peter's, upon whom our Schola 
after the decrees of Leo IV, depended, and to whom twice 
a year it had to pay a sum of money (pensiones), at least 
till the days when it was freed from the obligation of paying 
any kind of tax. 2 
The Popes also allowed those of the English nation who 
might die in their quarter (in Schola Saxiæ) to be buried 
in their own schola, whereas those of other nationalities who 
died in Rome were, for the most part, required to be buried 
in the Schola Francorum. 3 
The Schola and its inhabitants also shared in the bounties 
which the mediæval Popes were wont to grant on exceptional 
occasions 4 or at regular intervals. 5 Our countrymen could 
also count on the personal services of the Pope, and 
we read that on February 23, 1123, Pope Calixtus II 
consecrated an altar in honour of our Lady in her church 
in Saxia. 6 · 
Unfortunately as time rolled on, evil days began to fall on 
Rome, and on the Schola Anglorum in particular. During 
the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the Emperors in their 
quarrels with the Popes often not merely set up antipopes, 
but supported them, and strove to further their own views 
by force of arms. In the struggles of these great rivals, 
the City of Rome was several times the scene of fierce fights. 

1 Ep. 79 (an. 1053) of St. Leo IX confirming and quoting a bull of 
Leo IV. ap. P.L.. t. 143. p. 704 fl. "In hac tamen ecclesia (S. Dei geni- 
tricis V. Mariæ quæ vocatur Schola Saxonum) ordinatio archipresbyteri 
consilio nostro fiat:' 
lIb. Cf. Kehr. Italia Pontific.. i. p. 145. 
a lb. Leo IX speaks of the inhabitants of a schola as scholentes or 
( Cf. of the bounties given by Leo IV when he finished the Leonine 
City (In vito n. 73: "Magnam sive Romanis sive diversis nationibus . . . 
rogam distribuens:') 
6 .. S. Marie Saxie 12 den. pro thuribulis." Lib. Cens. ed. Fabre. i. 301. 
Given at Easter. Ib. p. 309 for donation on the day of the Greater 
Litanies (St. Mark). 
II Kehr, Italia Ponti/., i. p. 15 1 . 



The Leonine City with the English Hospice in its midst was 
seriously damaged by Henry IV in 1084, by Henry V in 
1119, and by Frederick I in 1167. 
Matters went from bad to worse as far, at least, as the 
material prosperity of the city and its institutions was con- 
cerned, when, in the middle of the twelfth century, the 
Romans, following the example of most of the great cities 
in the north of Italy, wished to establish a republic, and in 
their endeavours to carry out their wishes sometimes com- 
mitted regrettable excesses. These led to the Popes leaving 
Rome. They even caused our countryman, Hadrian IV 
(1154-9), to lay Rome under an interdict, and one of his 
immediate successors, Lucius III, to forbid pilgrims to go 
to Rome. Rome under an interdict, or Ronle without the 
Pope, had no attraction for Englishmen. 
Besides, there had taken place nleanwhile a change of 
conditions in England. After the Norman conquest, the 
English were ruled by men who wished to control their 
souls as well as their bodies. The Norman Kings wished 
to be the lords of the Church and of the State. They 
would not allow their subjects to leave the realm with- 
out their permission, and strove to hinder communication 
with Rome. Consequently the visits of the English to 
Rome began to decrease seriously, and their Schola to 
In connection with this falling off of English pilgrimages 
and visits to Rome, one or two very interesting documents 
have come down to us. In 1162-3, Peter, Cardinal Deacon 
of St. Eustachius, wrote to St. Thomas Becket to say that 
the Church of our Lady, " quae Sassonorum dicitur," and 
which had been provided by the Popes for the reception 
of the English who came to visit the tonlbs of the Apostles, 
in order that after their long journey they might find con- 
solation and charity as in their own homes, was now stricken 
with poverty. 
It is so poor, continued the Cardinal, that it barely 
supports a few clerics and a layman or two for the service 
of the church itself, and for the consolation of the pilgrinls. 
Hence the Pope, pitying the condition of the fabric, has sent 
letters to the English Church urging it to help the Schola, 



and the Cardinal begs St. Thomas to add his letters to those 
of the Pope.! 
What was the precise effect of this appeal I cannot say, 
but no doubt the struggle between King Henry and the 
Archbishop prevented the latter from doing very much to 
help anybody or anything. Indeed, before he died, he found 
it necessary to assure Pope Alexander III (1170) that it 
was not his fault if the English ceased to visit Rome as 
they had been accustomed to do. 2 Besides, if full credence 
can be given to Gilbert Foliot, the English bishops had no 
money to spare at this time. For, writing to this same Pope 
in 1165, he assured him that there was no money which could 
be lent to him II because the lawsuits and exactions of the 
King's men have swept away all our ready money." 
The Schola Anglorum was doomed. In the last quarter 
of the twelfth century its buildings, with the exception of 
its church, went to ruin. But that same point of time saw 
mount the throne of the Fisherman, the great Innocent III 
(1198- 1216), a man who had eyes not only for what was 
greatest, but even for what was least, all over the world. 
Among other details, the decay of the English quarter 
arrested his attention. As we learn, both from himself and 
from his biographer,3 he reconstructed the buildings of the 
old Schola and turned them into a hospital for the poor 
and sick. This hospital of " S. Maria in Saxia" he placed 
under the management of a confraternity which had been 
founded by Guy of Montpellier for the care of the sick, some 
twenty years before his accession. 4 As this confraternity 
was known as that" of the Holy Ghost" (fratres S. Spiritus), 
the old name of S. Maria in Saxia, after a brief struggle, 
went almost completely out of use not very long after the 

1 Ep. ap. :Materials for the Hist. oj Archbishoþ T. Becket, v. 64. ed. 
Rolls Series. 
2 Ep. ap. ib.. p. 241. 
3 Ep. vii. 95, June 18, 1204; Cesta. Inn., n. 144. Cf. Annals 0 
Waverley. ad. an. 1213, which also tell how Innocent founded the hospital 
"in loco ubi quondam peregrinantibus de Anglia domicilium erat edifi- 
catum, et Anglorum schola dicitur. eamque ditavit . . . terris. etc." 
Rolls Series, ap. Annal. Monast., ii. p. 280. 
, Hurter, Tableau des Institutions de l'église au Moyen Al:e, ii. p. 
495 fl. 



brothers took possession of the new hospital, and the church 
and quarter which had for some 400 years been known under 
the title of S. Maria, have ever since about the close of the 
first quarter of the thirteenth century, been generally known 
under the designation of S. Spiritus. By the year I450 
the tradition of the connection of the hospital with the 
Schola Anglorum would appear to have been lost, for we 
find that John Capgrave (Ye Solace of Pilgrimes, p. r7, 
cf. p. 6r) simply speaks of H the hospitall of the Holy Ghost" 
without note or comment. 
Not content 'with sinlply building a new hospital on the 
site of the old Schola Anglorunl, Innocent was anxious to 
endow it. For this purpose he supplied some funds himself 1 
and appealed to others to help him. Among those to whom 
he thus turned was our own King John, and a charter of 
the English Sovereign, 'which has been preserved, shows 
that the Pope did not appeal to him in vain. It ran: 
,< John, by the Grace of God, King of England, Lord 
(dominus) of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, 
and Count of Anjou, . . . moved by divine love, for the 
good of his own soul, and for the souls of his ancestors and 
heirs, and on account of respect for the Lord Pope Innocent, 
who has appealed to hinl on this matter, grants roo marks 
yearly to the hospital which the said Pope has built by the 
Church of S. Malia in Saxia, which is called of the English, 
and where used to be a house of entertainment for them " 
( r20 4).2 
There is nluch which is very interesting that might be 
told about the famous Hospital of the Holy Ghost; 3 but 
though, as we have seen, it was partly endowed by England; 
though the brothers of the hospital were authorised by 
Innocent 111, 4 by King John 5 and by the Archbishop of 

1 Ep. x. 179. 
2 This charter of King John was inserted by Honorius III in a bull 
which he addressed to the brothers of the Hospital of S. Maria in Saxia. 
Jan. 3, 1218. Ep. ii. 98. Cf. a similar grant of the Bishop of Chartres 
in 1202. Cf. Ep. Inn. III, x. 223. 
II On this eldest hospital in the world see Lallemand, Rist. de La charité 
à Rome, p. 227 fl. Paris. 18 7 8 . 
& Ep,. vii. 95. 
Ii Ep. ap. Rymer's Fædet'a. i. 117. 



Canterbury to collect money for it in England, l and though 
it was visited by our countryn1en on account of the real 
or supposed indulgences to be gained there,2 still the hospital 
was not exclusively supported by them, and it was not 
the counterpart of the It Schola Anglorum." It was not 
an English centre. However, as part of its endowment 
came from England and it still occupies the site of our first 
national establishn1ent in Ronle, we may be permitted to 
add a few more items of information regarding it which show 
its subsequent connection with our country. A kind of 
honorary confraternity which Eugenius IV described as It of 
great authority and composed of devout persons of both 
sexes, was established by Innocent III in connection with 
his hospital. Its first known menlber from the British Isles 
appears to have been that interesting ecclesiastic Giraldus 
Cambrensis. He tells us himself of the hospital which 
Innocent had founded in a locality wont to be called It the 
Anglican School" (schola Anglicana), and gained thereby 
various indulgences. 
Fron1 the bull of Eugenius IV (
Iarch 25, I446), from 
which we have just quoted, and which reconstituted the 
hospital, it appears that the confraternity of Innocent III 
1 Cf. the Register of W. Giffard, Archbishop of York, for a letter of 
Boniface, Archbishop of Canterbury (1266), on this subject, p. 152, ed. 
Surtees Soc., 1904. The Cardinal Legate, Ottoboni, II requires" the 
Prelates of England to receive kindly the brothers of the Hospital of the 
Holy Spirit, on account of the good work they are doing, to permit them 
to collect alms and to help their work by granting them suitable com- 
mendatory letters, in accordance with the form sent by the Pope (April 9, 
1266, p. 151). Consequently the Archbishop of Canterbury orders the 
priests of his province to explain to the people on three successive Sundays 
the object of the collection, and to collect the alms themselves (Sept. 19, 
1266), p. 15 2 . 
Z The Vernon MS. (c. 1370) of the old English Stacions of Rome has 
(p. 22, ed. Furnivall, London, 1867) the following quaint lines- 
II At the chirche of seynt spirit, 
In the weie to trismere (Trastevere) ful riht, 
Vche (each) dai there is eight hundred year to pardoun 
And thridde part of thi synnes remissioun." 
In connection with this it may be noted that Nicholas IV in 129 1 
granted on a few fixed days a II relaxation of one year and forty days of 
enjoined penance to penitents who visit the church of \Vrittle (Essex, 
diocese of London, given by King John) belonging to the hospital of the 
Holy Ghost in Saxia." Cf. Calendar of Papal Letters, i. 537. 



had been one of its best mainstays. This " certain old 
books" had made clear to the Pope, whose interesting bull 
may be read in the Libcr Fraternitatis S. SPiritus et S. }"iarie 
in Saxia de U rbe. This interesting volume is to be found 
in the library (Biblioteca Lancisiana) attached to the 
Besides bulls of Eugenius IV and Sixtus IV (March 21, 
1478) reconstituting the hospital and confirming its privi- 
leges, the Liber contains the nan1es of the members of the 
confraternity of the hospital fron1 the year 1446, and the 
sums they subscribed to the institution. The names have 
been in nearly every case entered by the nlembers them- 
selves and were mostly inscribed in the jubilee year of 1500. 
Occasionally nan1es were entered by properly constituted 
proctors. Thus, among the English men1bers of the con- 
fraternity, I< the most serene lord Henry (VII), King of 
England and France and Lord of Ireland," was duly in- 
scribed as a melnber I< of this holy confraternity" by this 
proctor of his Majesty in November 1494. 2 
The only other English member of this confraternity 
which we shall mention here is that of the famous scholar 
John Colet. His entry is as follows: I< I John Colet inscribed 
as members of this holy confraternity Henry Co let, Knight, 
John and Richard their children (March 13, 1493) with the 
aim and object of their gaining all the indulgences and 
privileges granted to this confraternity." 3 As the history 
of the Hospital of the Holy Spirit is not our concern, we 
must refer the reader who n1ay wish to know more of it to 
the interesting old work of Fr. Pierre Saulnier. 4 
Before bringing this chapter to a conclusion, however, 
it will not be out of place to add a few more words about 
the Sacristy of the Church of S. Spirito which adjoins the 
hospital. s The reader n1ay remember that this church 
stands on the site of that of St. Mary which belonged to 

1 Cod. Lancis, n. 328. For the history of this codex of 486, pages of 
parchment, see P. Egidi in the Bollettino dell' Instituto Storieo Italiano, 
n. 34. p. 257 fl. Rome, 1914. Egidi in the same year and place also printed 
the MS. in his Necrologi della Provincia Romana, vol. ii. p. 107 fl., with 
2 P. 73v. of the modern pagination of the MS. 
· De caPite S. Ordinis S. Spiritus, Lyons, 1649. 

8 Ib., p. 234. 
Ii Cf. supra. 



the Schola Anglorum. Although the sacristy has not, as 
far as is known, any such connection with the sacristy 
which must have been attached to the old Church of the 
English, it is interesting not merely as a work of art, but 
because the subjects of the frescoes which adorn it chiefly 
relate to the old Schola Anglorum and to the hospital which 
was its heir. 
It was the work of the Tuscan Stephen Vai, one of the 
n10st distinguished heads of the hospital, who was ruling 
it when Saulnier wrote the book which we have just cited. 
Stephen had a most distinguished career both before and 
after he joined the brothers of the Holy Ghost in I632, 
and according to Saulnier was too modest to allow him to 
narrate his great deeds at length. However, says the 
biographer, dumb things speak for him. Among these he 
names the sacristy built and furnished by him in the n10st 
exquisite style, and adorned with frescoes. Of these paint- 
ings mention has already been m.ade, and the subjects of 
two of then1 enumerated. Of the others one shows Pope 
Paschal I stopping the flames which were devouring the 
:English quarter by exposing to them a picture of our Lady, 
and another of Leo I V and Ethelwulf restoring the Burg 
after it had been devastated by a third fire. There are also 
depicted in this relnarkable building the funeral of Burhed, 
and the punishment of the perjury of King Elfred (9 2 4). 
Two frescoes are devoted to Innocent III. In the first he 
is seen confirming the rule and Order of the Holy Spirit 
(1197), and in the second giving over the house of our Lady 
to Guido, the founder of the Order of the Holy Spirit, and 
to his conlpanions (1204). Next are seen Eugenius IV 
renewing the work of his predecessors and Sixtus IV play- 
ing the part of another founder. Finally, we n1ay observe 
Charles VIII, King of France, and Charlotte, Queen of 
Cyprus, being enrolled as members of the confraternity. 
Thus much about the first Hospice of the English in 
Rome. The subsequent chapters will trace the history of 
its successors to our own times. 



AFTER the loss of the Holy I...and, the sanctuaries of Rome 
attracted more and n10re the devotion of Catholic pilgrin1s. 
In the year 1300 Pope Boniface VIII instituted, or more 
probably revived, the practice of celebrating every hundred 
years the year of Jubilee. Fifty years later Pope Clement VI 
was persuaded to reduce the period of this visit to the tOlllbs 
of the Apostles to half-a-century, on the plea that a great 
nurnber of Catholics could not expect to take part in a cele- 
bration which canle only every hundred years. Though the 
Pope was then at Avignon with his court, he issued his bull 
proclaiming the Jubilee of 1350 and bestowing the customary 
indulgences upon those who visited the holy places in the 
Eternal City. This brought an immense concourse of people 
from every Christian nation to Rome. Some reputable 
authorities have stated that the pilgrims in this year num- 
bered at least a million and the city was crowded to excess. 
A new street, still retaining its name Via dei Pellegrini, which 
led directly to the Bridge of Sant' Angelo, was made for the 
convenience of the strangers; and in the immediate vicinity 
of this Ie pilgrims' way" there were erected at this tÏ1ne 
several national hospices for the reception and entertain- 
ment of the various peoples of Europe. The hospices of 
Aragon, of Leon, Flanders, Sweden, Germany, France, 
etc., still exist. 
The English pilgrims, who formed part of the great 
concourse of peoples at the Jubilee of 1350, had no national 
hospice in existence, and found very indifferent accommoda- 
tion. This fact and their national pride and piety led to the 
foundation of the English Hospital, or Hospice of the 1.fost 
IIoly Trinity and St. Thomas of Canterbury, on the spot 
where now stands the venerable English College. 



Another reason which in1pelled the English to found a 
hospice of their own was probably to protect their fellow- 
countryn1en from the imposition and even violence of the 
Roman lodging-house keepers. There was a real and 
recognised reason for this protection. A decree of the 
Senator Angelo Malabranca (Septen1ber IS, 1235), after 
setting forth that it is the duty of the Senator to keep 
order in the city, and to see that pilgrinls who come to the 
threshold of the Apostles are not scandalised, states that 
it has been discovered that Ie many of those who dwell in 
the neighbourhood of the basilica of St. Peter force pilgrims 
and visitors to Rome to take lodgings in their houses. 
Moreover, what is worse, if the pilgrims and visitors have 
taken up their abode elsewhere, these people drag them forth, 
and against their will compel them to lodge in their houses. 
\Vhen they are called to account for such conduct they 
allcdge certain evil customs." 
The Senator regarding all this as an offence not only 
against "the Prince of the Apostles to whose shrine the 
faithful flock from every part of the world," but against 
God Himself, decrees that, all things to the contrary not- 
withstanding, these evil practices must cease, and empowers 
the Canons of St. Peter's to see to it that they do cease." 1 
From the ml1niments in the College archives it would 
appear that son1e years before 1360 a guild of laymen of 
English nationality had acquired certain property in the 
Via Monserrato with the object of establishing there a 
hospice for English pilgrims and travellers coming to Rome. 
This has been shown quite clearly in a paper communicated 
to the International Historical Congress held in Rome in 
1905.2 The chief document, which goes to prove this, is 
dated January 27, 1362, and as it is really the foundation 
charter of the English Hospital, it may be quoted here :- 
Ie In the name of the Lord. Amen. In the year of the 
Nativity of the same 1362, under the pontificate of the 

1 See the decree in the Chartulary of St. Peter's. It is cited at length 
by F. A. Vitale, Storia deþlomatica de' Senatori di Roma, i. p. 98. Rome, 
I 79 I. 
2 "The National English Institutions in Rome," by Dr. W. Croke. Atti 
iii. pp. 555 se. 99. 



Lord Pope Innocent VI, etc., John the son of Peter the 
Englishman, otherwise called John Shepherd (Pecorarius), 
rosary seller of the Rione Arenula, of his own good will 
sold and, under the title of sale, etc., made over to \\Tilliam 
Chandeler of York, England, who received it in his own 
nalne, and on the part of and in the name of the comlnunity 
and society of the English of the city, and of the poor sick, 
needy and distressed people coming from England to the 
city, and for the convenience and use of the same, etc., 
a certain one-storeyed house with a garden behind it, ",-ith 
the income of the same from the ground to the top." 1 
Forty golden florins was the price paid by the Societas 
or Confraternity of the English for this property, and it 
is described as standing opposite the Church of St. Mary 
and St. Catherine, now known as Santa Caterina della 
Ruota, facing the present English College. I t is worth 
noting in regard to this purchase that the witnesses of the 
original deed, like John Shepherd the vendor, were evidently 
men in the lower ranks of life. One was a servant and 
another a Paternostrarius, or rosary seller, like Shepherd 
On the 4th of February of the same year, 1362, John 
Shepherd's wife, Alice, made a formal renunciation of any 
claim she might have upon the house sold by her husband. 
This deed was made in favour of Robert de Pinea, Syndic, 
and of John the Goldsmith, chamberlain or camerari'lts of 
the Society and Community of English, and it was signed 
in the presence of William Chandeler and a notary. 2 In 
regard to this property it is not uninteresting to notice that 
by a previous deed, dated September 24, I361, John Shepherd 
is described as the purchaser and is spoken of as a .. dealer 
of rosaries, formerly of England," and again that among 
the witnesses to this transaction are two other dealers 
in rosaries, Simon the son of J ohn Barber, and \tVilliam 
Ricciardi or Richards. 

1 English College Archives. Memb., Jan. 27, 1362. Lanciani, New 
Tales of Old Rome, p. 270, says, .. The hospice occupied part of the site 
of the Stabula Factionis Venetæ, the barracks and stables of the squadron 
of the charioteers of the circus, who wore blue colours." 
II Memb., Feb. 4, 1362. 



After the sale of their house and garden to the Society, 
Shepherd and his wife offered themselves to William 
Chandeler, the Warden, Robert-at-Pyne (de Pinea) and John 
the son of William the Goldsmith, the camerarii or adminis- 
trators of the Society, to serve the poor and strangers, who 
n1ight be received in the Hospice. They promised to leave 
all the property they possessed at their death to the Society, 
II as a help and for the assistance of the sick and poor 
cOIning in numbers to the aforesaid house." 1 
The above is the account of the foundation of the IIospice 
for English pilgrims, according to the original documents 
still to be found in the Archives of the English College. 
There is, however, another story of the origin of the Institu- 
tion given by the historian Stowe, which, though clearly 
wrong in some particulars, may very well be correct in regard 
to the names of those who are represented as the founders 
or helpers of the original Society, or Fraternity of the 
English living in Rome. 
Stowe writes: "The founders of this IIospital were Sir 
Robert Braybroke, Bishop of London (?), Thomas Brampton, 
Bishop of Rochester,2 Sir Hugh Calveley, Sir John Hawk- 
wood, Sir John Thornham, Knights; John Twiford, John 
Shepherd and Alice his wife, Robert Christal and Agnes his 
wife, Robert Windleront, Walter Whithers, Robert-at-Pyne, 
Adam Staple, Henry Line, draper, and other citizens of 
London A.D. 1380, in the reign of Richard II." 
It is at least curious to note that Stowe here names at 
least three of those who appear in the earliest deeds in con- 
nection with the English Hospice, nalnely: John Shepherd, 
Alice his wife, and Robert-at- Pyne. And although he is 
wrong as to the date he gives for the foundation, namely 
1380 in place of 1362, it would seem ahnost certain that he 
Inust have had some doculnentary evidence for the con- 
nection of the others whom he names with the original 
foundation. Very possibly all these may have been in 
some measure helpers of the Hospital for the reception of 
EngJish strangers and pilgrims, rich and poor alike, who 
found their way to the Eternal City. 

1 lb.. Memb.. April 14. 13 62 . 
I The name of this Prelate was Brunton. 

3 0 


It would then appear on the whole probable that a 
society or fraternity of the English living in Rome was in 
existence before 1362, on which date John Shepherd agreed 
to sell his house and garden to Willian1 Chandler and others, 
as representing that Society. An entry in one of the volumes 
in the English College archives states that this Society or 
Fraternity began in 1358, when it was placed under the 
protection of the 1\10st Holy Trinity. It lliay safely be 
conjectured, therefore, that the knowledge of the incon- 
veniences and difficulties, suffered by English pilgrims 
attending the Jubilee of 1350, led the English residents of 
Rome to combine and to found a Guild, or quasi-religious 
Society, for the purpose of providing a Hospice for their 
fellow-countrYnlen, such as other Christian nations possessed. 
According to an entry in the Register of Bishop Grandison 
of Exeter 1 this Society was subsequently encouraged and 
approved by Pope Gregory XI, who bestowed indulgences 
upon its members. The approval of this Pontiff was 
probably due to the influence of Dom Thomas Brunton, 
called by Stowe Brampton, and nanled by him as one of 
the founders of the I-lospice. At the beginning of the 
Pontificate of Pope Gregory XI, Brunton was living in 
Rome and was made penitentiary of the Holy See, till his 
appointn1ent to the see of Rochester in 1372. 
The IIospital for English pilgrims, thus begun in the 
n1Ìddle of the fourteenth century, continued to prosper. 
In 1364 there is recorded the purchase by the Universitas 
or Societas pauperum A nglorum of a house and garden 
adjoining the premises bought from John Shepherd two years 
previously,2 and in which he and his wife had been installed 
as guardians or managers by the ruler of the fraternity. 
As time went on other houses and lands were given or pur- 
chased to add to the property. Thus to take a couple 
of examples: in 1371 two Englishmen, named in the deed 
Ro bert and Richard, gave over two houses and three pieces 
of land)n the" regione Parionis," 3 and John Palmer, " the 
Englishman," gave another house near the hospita1. 4 This 

1 Register I, fl. 20, quoted by Dr. Oliver, Monast. EXOll. 
Z Memb., Oct. 22, 1364. :I J.lIemb., May 25, 1371. 
t 1I1emb., May 29. 1383. 


3 1 

John Palnler had been Guardian of the Institution, holding 
that office in 1374 and 1375. 1 
Sometime about 1390, anlOngst the brethren of the 
Society there was a certain John White, who is described 
as a citizen of London, merchant. 2 lie subsequently, in 
1405, becan1e Guardian of the English Hospital; but before 
this tin1e, nanlely in 1396, he conceived the project of 
establishing a second hospice for English pilgrims on the 
other side of the Tiber. With this project in view, \Vhite 
purchased a house and garden frmll the Canons of the 
Church of St. Chrysogono, which, as the deed of purchase 
sets out, he intended to devote to the service of the poor 
and strangers under the patronage of St. Chrysogono. 3 
Incidentally it is mentioned that a similar house for the 
English had already been in existence on the other side of 
the Tiber, for the past forty years. This gives the date of 
the foundation of the Hospital of the Holy Trinity, or as 
it was subsequently called, the Hospital of St. Thomas, 
about the year 1350. 
A few months later-to be exact, April zz, 1397-this same 
John vV'hite " of England, but now dwelling in the city of 
Rome, JI executed a deed dealing with the purchases he had 
n1ade. lIe ,vas then intending, as it would seem, to return 
for a time to England, and " on account of the long distance 
and the perils of the journey," he prudently wished to secure 
the property for the purpose for which he had purchased it, 
nan1ely for the poor in this Hospice in Trastevere. In 
view of the possibility of his not returning to Ron1e, and 
no doubt feeling the precarious condition of his new founda- 
tion, he directs that in that event, and in case that the 
IIospice did not succeed in its purpose, the property was 
to pass to the Hospital of St. Thomas over the river. In 
particular he names also a house that belonged to him in the 
regiolle A renula, near the English Hospital. 4 A house 
which, it may be noted, was long held by the Hospital and 
which was in the end exchanged ",ith Cardinal Farnese for 
another property, as it was near the site upon which he was 
then engaged in erecting his Palace. 
1 lìIemb,. Oct. 26. 1374. Memb.. Sept. 9. 1375. 
z Lib. 27 2 , f. 8. a Memb., Oct. 23, 1396. << 1rlemb., April 22, 1397. 



Ultimately John \Vhite, to secure his foundation in the 
Trastevere, established a religious fraternity and associated 
with himself some others, whom he desired to be regarded 
as co-founders of the Hospice. The earliest Register of the 
Trastevere Hospice is prefaced by the following note: 
" Pray ye for the souls of the founders, brethren and bene- 
factors set here below and for all the faithful departed, as 
well as for the good estate of those in this list, who are still 
alive. r, 1 
As this Trastevere English Hospice was from the first 
closely connected with that of St. Thomas over the Tiber, 
and as it was subsequently amalgamated with it, it nlay 
be convenient to trace its history before taking up again 
the story of the more ancient establishlnent in the Via 
The original founders of the Trastevere institution are 
stated to have been: U John \Vhyte (or \Vight), citizen of 
London and merchant, an Englishnlan"; "Peter Paul 
Baker, now a Ronlan citizen, Gallic'Us, with :Magdalen :Maria 
his wife a Ronlan "; "John Ely a serjeant at arms to the 
Pope"; "Dns. Roger Knight (Knecht?) cappelanus, an 
Englishman;" and an English merchant, named John 
Gaylot. These founders of the Hospital are also named in 
the list of members of the Fraternity of the IIospice, which 
is fairly complete to the year 1466. There was a yearly 
election of nlembers and amongst the brethren are to be 
found all sorts and conditions of people, fronl a Bishop to a 
tailor. Thus, in the lists we have the names of Bishop 
Thomas Polton of Chichester, and Adam :Moleyns or 
:Molyneux also of Chichester; IIenry Harborough, Canon 
of Salisbury (1394), and John Urry, Prebendary of Lincoln 
(1431); John \Velles, Abbot of the Premonstratensian house 
of Eggleston (1411); Walter Grey, protonotary Apostolic, 
Archdeacon of Northampton, and proctor of the King of 
England in Rome, etc., etc. 
H is interesting to note that many of the brethren of 
the Hospice in the Trastevere were also associates of the 
earlier f01mdation in the Via :Monserrato. Some, indeed, 
becanle officials of the latter. John White himself, for 
1 Archives, lib. 272, f. I. 



example, was the Guardian of St. Thonlas, apparently in 
the year of his death, 1405. Other brethren of the Trastevere 
Institution who becan1e Guardians of St. Thomas's were 
Richard Thwaytes, Armiger in r446, and John Lacy, Arn1iger 
in 1447. In this latter year another brother of the Trastevere 
IIospice, Dom Hugh Foster, described as a monk of Glaston- 
bury, was one of the camerarii or councillors of St. Thomas's. 
John White gradually added to his first purchase of a 
house and garden opposite the Church of St. Chrysogono. 
In January, 1404, he secured the house and land adjoining 
for the purpose of building a chapel to serve the hospice. 1 
This work he took in hand immediately, but did not live 
to finish, for in his last will dated October 23, 1404, he 
directs that the small house next to his hospital, which he 
had begun to prepare for a chapel, in which Mass might be 
celebrated. should be cOlllpleted by his executors. Accord- 
ing to his wish John White was buried in the Church of 
St. Chrysogono. 2 
After the death of the original founder, the Hospital 
in the Trastevere continued to grow. In 1406 three houses 
near to the Hospital of St. ThOlnas on the other side of 
the river, together with a vineyard, outside the Porta Por- 
tuense, were given to the Trastevere Hospice,3 and the 
officials the same year purchased three more houses in the 
Trastevere for roo florins. 4 Two years later again, in 
1408, the officials of the Fraternity secured another house 
and garden adjoining the original purchase, and this 
acquisition made them the possessors of the block of land 
which lies between the Via Monte de' Fiori and the Via dei 
Genovesi. The Trastevere IIospice was apparently well 
endowed and supported and, at least on two occasions, 
came to the assistance of the sister establishment of St. 
Thomas by a loan of roo ducats. 5 
All trace of the chapel has now disappeared. It stood 
at the corner of the Via dci Genovesi. and was dedicated 

1 Memb., Jan, I, 140.1. :2 Memb., Oct. 23, 1404. 
:I Memb., Jan. 13, 1406. I l'vlemb., Sept. 29, 1406. 
5 Capgrave, an Austin Friar in 1450, tells of " this transtibre," which 
hath" a hospital of Seint Edmund the Kyng" (Ye Solace of Pilgrimes, 
Oxford, 1911, ed. C. A. Mella, p. 109). 



to the Holy Trinity and St. Edmund, King and Martyr. 
It existed and remained in use till 1664, for on May 29 of 
that year the then Rector of the English College petitioned 
the Ecclesiastical authorities of Rome to be allowed to close 
it, as it was no longer needed. lIe states in his petition, 
first, that by the Bull of Foundation of the College, this 
institution was bound to support and assist pilgrims to the 
Eternal City and that this duty had always been faithfully 
carried out: secondly, that as part of the property belonging 
to the College there was a small chapel dedicated to St. 
Edmund, which had served the pilgrim house in the Tra- 
stevere, when that had been a separate entity. It was 
situated U in loco Montefiore," between the Church of St. 
Chrysogonus and that of S. Giovanni Genuensis: thirdly, 
that hitherto one of the priests from the College had always 
gone to say Mass in the chapel every Friday, Sunday and 
Feastday, and that there had been a 
Iissa Cantata sung 
there on the feast of St. Edmund, for the founder and bene- 
factors of the Trastevere Hospice. As the need for con- 
tinuing these services no longer existed, the Rector begs 
that the obligation of the nlasses, etc., nlay be transferred 
to the high altar of the church of the English College over 
which there was a picture of the patron St. Edlllund. The 
petition was granted and the execution of the decree com- 
mitted to the Cardinal Vicar of Rome. 1 The same year 
on July 12, 1664, the Vicegerent, Mgr. Caraffa, came to the 
chapel and with the usual formalities closed it for divine 
service. 2 
The actual position of the Chapel of St. Edmund is known 
through a note written by Dr. Gradwell in 1818. He states 
that at that time No. 22 Via dei Genovesi was a house made 
out of the old chapel, and that not only was the then existing 
building the chapel transforn1ed into an ordinary business 
place, but that over the door there was still to be seen the 
arms of St. Edmund King and MartYr, and that, inside the 

1 Lib. Instr" xL, May 29, 1664. 
lIb" vol. xi., July 12, 1664. The decree of the Congregation was 
recorded on a tablet set up in the old church and now reproduced in the 
Sacristy of the College. It is reproduced in I scrizioni delle Chiese di 
Roma, Forcella 2, vii. p. 182, no. 378. 



house, the place where the altar had stood was plainly 
visible with an almost obliterated fresco of the Martyrdom 
of the Saint over it. An old nmp of the College property 
made in 1613 shows the position of the chapel at the corner 
of the Via dei Genovesi. The building, however, which in 
1818 was No. zz of this street, has now been pulled down, 
but it undoubtedly stood at the left-hand corner of the Via 
dei Genovesi, where it joins the modem Viale del Re. In 
fact a small tablet is still to be seen on the broken wall 
of the old premises recording u Domus sub directo dominio 
Collegii Anglorum Urbis et perpetua locatione Archicon- 
fraternitatis Charitatis Urbis. Anno MDCII. Diae XV 
Octobris. " 
Fronl an old account book in the Archives of the English 
College some idea n1a y be gathered of the property and 
management of the Hospice for the English in the Trastevere, 
which was dedicated first to St. Chrysogonus and then 
jointly to hin1 and St. Edmund, when the chapel was 
finished. Thus in 1449 the Fraternity possessed eight 
houses in the Trastevere and one near the Church of Sta. 
Cecilia, as well as vineyards and gardens. It also enjoyed 
the rent of a house and garden situated near the English 
Hospital of St. Thomas, probably on a portion of the site 
upon which now stands the Farnese Palace. At this time 
the house was occupied by Dr. \Villiam Gray, Protonotary 
Apostolic and proctor of the English King at the Roman 
Curia for which he paid sixty ducats a year. 1 Previously 
these pren1Ìses had been in the occupation of the Archbishop 
of Benevento for nine months, but thc Hospital accounts 
reveal the fact that he had never paid his rent. 2 From one 
of its vineyards, outside the Porta di San Pancrazio, the 
Hospice of St. Edmund had five tabelatos of good pure 
n1ust at the vintage of 1449, and sold eighteen barrels of 
wine to the sister establishnlent of St. Thomas. In fact, 
this latter was a constant customer for the produce of the 
vineyards belonging to St. Edmund's. 
The management of the Hospice was in the hands of 
elected o:fti.cials. At a general meeting of the brethren of 
the Confraternity held annually there wcre chosen two 
1 Lib. 272, f. 8. 2 Lib. 272, f. 7. 



auditors of accounts, a Guardian and two councillors. 
Sometimes also a chaplain was appointed at the general 
meeting, at which also applicants for membership of the 
Confraternity were considered and admitted. This forn} of 
government lasted from the foundation by John \rhite in 
1396 until 1464. From the first there had been a close 
connection between the two English Hospitals, and, as their 
object was practically identical, many members were 
associates of both Institutions. The bond gradually grew 
closer, till in 1464 an actual union of the two existing 
establishments was effected. On 
Iarch 12 in that year, 
at a plenary meeting of the brethren of St. Edmunds, it 
was agreed that the Guardian and Councillors of the two 
hospitals should be the same. Thus after these officials 
had been elected at St. Thomas's, the same were to be pro- 
posed and elected to the same offices at St. Edmund's. 
Each corporation continued to elect its own associates, and 
the administration of the property of each was kept separate, 
with separate accounts; but the general management of 
the two establishments was in the same hands. Gradually 
the interests of the old Institution of St. Thomas naturally 
came to predominate, and, at the same meeting at which 
the partial union was effected, it was resolved to appoint 
caretakers at St. Edmund's, as the officials, being more 
occupied with the affairs of St. Thomas, would naturally 
reside there. I t was thus arranged that a man and his 
wife should be found, to take charge of the buildings in the 
Trastevere and to see to the proper reception of poor English 
pilgrims and others. It is specially ordered, however, in 
regard to the choice of the first caretakers that they U were 
not to be Scotch, or to belong to any other people, at 
war with the English King or the English nation." 1 
The system arranged for the management of the Hospice 
of St. Edmund, inaugurated in 1464, was continued at any 
rate till the close of the sixteenth century. For example, 
one John Borowbridge was appointed custos or guardian 
of the hospice in 1525: 2 he continued to hold office till 
1528, when an examination of the accounts seemed to show 
that he had got into considerable debts and he was removed 
1 Memb., 1580. I }I,lemb., May 3, 1525. 



fronl his office, his name being erased from the list of 
members of the Fraternity.l Borowbridge was succeeded 
by an Englishnlan nanled Tracy, who was named perpetual 
guardian,2 and, shortly afterwards, a woman was appointed 
to see to the pilgrims' rooms and take care of the chapel. 
She was given a small house and garden, and was instructed 
to reccive all English travellers who sought hospitality for 
three nights. 3 

From the time of the union of the two English Hospitals 
in Rome-that in the Trastevere and that in the Via Mon- 
serrato-all interest in the establishments is transferred 
to the older and the better known Hospice of St. Thomas, 
now the venerable English College. 4 Some interesting 
particulars regarding its early history nla y be gathered from 
an examination of an old account book still preserved in 
the College archives. s The register itself was cOlnmenced 
in 1523, when John Clerk, Bishop of Bath and \Vells, became 
Guardian or Custos of the Fraternity in that year. The 
front page of the volume is illuminated, having a figure of 
the Holy Trinity, supported on either side by the two patrons 
of the united hospitals St. Thomas and St. Ednlund, King 
and 1lfartyr. 
The inventories entered in the book are of considerable 
archæological interest and are set forth carefully year 
after year when the accounts were audited. A sentence of 

1 Memb., Oct. 25, 1528. 2 Memb., Jan. 28, 1529. 
3 Memb., April 24, 1530. 
t An old inscription, formerly over the door of the Old College, shows 
the connection of the establishment with the English King. It shows tho 
arms of England and France, and below, the following :- 
Thus it would seem that the inscription was made shortly before the death 
of Henry IV. In the year 1337 King Edward III had united the two 
arms of England and France in one. 
li Lib. 33. 

3 8 


Holy Scripture, set down as a motto at the beginning of 
another volume of accounts, 1 gives the principle upon which 
those who kept then1 appear to have acted throughout. 
It is the following :- 
H Ubi manus multæ sunt, claude. Et quodcumque trades 
numera et appende. Datum vero, et acceptum omne 
describe" (Eccl. xlii. 7). 
Some interesting items as to people and things connected 
with the old IIospice may be gleaned from a yolume, which 
might otherwise be passed over as likely to contain nothing 
but H dry-as-dust" material. For example: in the In- 
ventories of the Hospice the names of the donors of pieces 
of plate, vestments, etc., are sometimes given. Thus in 
14 2 9, in the list of church things in the Sacristy, are to be 
found presents made to the Chapel of the English by the 
Prior of Canterbury; Robert Fitzhugh, Bishop of London; 
and Robert Bottle, Prior of the Hospital of St. John, London. 
Bishop Fitzhugh was an important personage. Having 
been Chancellor of Cambridge University, he was sent as 
Ambassador of the English King, to Rome in the year 1429-- 
the year he n1ade his present to the English Hospice. He was 
made Bishop of London in 1431, having been consecrated 
in Italy at Foligno. He was one of the English Bishops 
who attended the Council of Basle, and he died on his way 
back to England. His is an honoured nanle to connect 
with the English Hospice in Rome. It was about this time, 
namely in 1445, that Pope Eugenius IV issued his Bull for 
the Consecration of the Church and Cemetery of the Hospice. 
In the year 1491 we find a very celebrated man as one 
of the three officials of St. Thomas's. This is Dr. Thomas 
Linacre, 2 the classical scholar and one who is regarded as 
the first founder of the College of Physicians of England. 
This distinguished man was educated first at the claustral 
school at Canterbury under Prior Sellyng, the pioneer of 
Greek studies and the new learning in England. Sellyng 
took Linacre with hirn to Italy and left him to study at the 
then celebrated University of Padua. There he took his 
degree in medicine in 1486, and returned to England in 149 2 . 
Every scrap of information about Linacre is of interest to 
1 Lib. 23. f. I. :I Lib. 23. f. 5. 



English scholars, and it is consequently important to find, 
fronl this old account book in the English College, that he 
was in Rome in 1491, and that he must have been so well 
known to the members of the Fraternity of the English 
Hospice that he was elected one of the two Councillors of 
the Institution in that year. At any rate, it is an honour 
to the English College to be able to associate the name of 
so distinguished a scholar with the nlany illustrious names 
to be found on the roll of this venerable Institution. 
In 149 6 , among the names of the offlcials of the English 
Hospice appears that of John Giglis. 1 lIe had been in 
England, as Collector of Papal dues for Pope Sixtus IV, and 
returned to Rome as the agent or proctor in Curia for 
King Henry VII. For his services he was rewarded by being 
nominated by the Crown to the See of Worcester; but he 
died in Rome the following year, 1498. He probably lived 
at the Hospital; but at any rate he was an official of the 
In the same year, another future Bishop was one of the 
two Councillors of the Hospice. This was Hugh Inge, or 
Ynge, who having been a scholar of Winchester in 14 80 
and Fellow of New College, Oxford, apparently settled in 
Rome in 1496. Dr. Inge acted as agent to Cardinal \Volsey, 
and no doubt through his influence, was nominated to the 
diocese of Meath in 1512. He subsequently became Arch- 
bishop of Dublin in 1521. At this period a certain Fran- 
ciscan Friar, John Francis, was acting chaplain of the 
Hospice, and a note to an Inventory of a later date states 
that, on his death in 1498, " he left the Hospice twenty-three 
volumes nearly all relating to Theology." 
The Inventory of 1496 reveals the fact that the establish- 
ment possessed a considerable amount of plate, both for 
the Church and the Refectory. Some of the silver vessels 
are described as having been presented by the Duchess of 
York, the mother of King Edward IV. Amongst other 
donors, there is recorded the name of the Abbot of Abingdoll, 
who was the Ambassador of the English King to the Pope, 
and who was thus brought into close relation with the 
English Hospice, which had become the recognised centre 
1 Lib. 33. p. 6. 

4 0 


of English interests in the Eternal City. Another benefactor, 
noted in 1496, was Dr. Robert Sherborne, who became 
Bishop of Chichester in 1508 and who was Envoy of the 
English King in 1496 and again from 1502 to 1504. 
Apparently the Library of the IIospital at the end of 
the fifteenth century was poorly furnished, and, whilst the 
theological books left to it by the Franciscan chaplain are 
mentioned in 1496, there is a note to the effect that, (I partly 
by time and want of care, partly perhaps by having been 
stolen," the number of volumes in the common library had 
greatly diminished. In the list of kitchen utensils at this 
time there is an entry of (I 70 pewter platters purchased in 
England, and recently brought over in a royal ship." 1 
The support of the Hospice at this period depended 
mainly on the rents of the various properties it had acquired 
in Rome and its neighbourhood, either by purchase or 
through the generosity of benefactors. Besides this, sub- 
sidies were collected throughout England for a work of 
recognised national importance. The idea of John White, 
the founder of the Trastevere English Hospice of St. Edmund, 
to form a quasi-religious fraternity to assist poor pilgrims, 
was adopted after his death by the united hospitals. Collec- 
tions were made from the English dwelling in the city and 
from the rich pilgrims, who came, often in considerable 
numbers, to visit the tombs of the Apostles and the shrines 
of the early martyrs of the- Christian Church. For the 
purpose of gathering these aln1s there was an official collector 
in Rome itself to receive both them and also the collections 
n1ade in England. As an instance of this, in 1491 the nanle 
of a certain :Matthew de Laures appears as the official 
collector,2 and in 1522 one Thomas Clerk, an Englishman, 
was appointed to receive the alms collected in England, 
and to lodge the sum with a London bank for transmission 
to Rome. 3 
Among the volumes in the Archives of the English College, 
there is one dealing with the collections made in England. 4 
The book was prepared in 1446, and was drawn up in 
divisions according to the English dioceses; but com- 

1 Lib. f. lO. 
a Memb., July 10, 1,522. 

2 Memb., April 14, 1491. 
t Lib. I


4 1 

paratively few of its pages have, however, been filled up. 
It is really a receipt book, and the title given to it leaves 
little doubt that the names entered are those of contributors 
to the support of the English Hospice, and those who were 
enrolled men1bers in the Fraternity of St. Thon1as and St. 
Edn1und. It has, indeed, been said that the entries are 
those of actual pilgrÜns to Rome, and the lists have been 
printed on this supposition,! but this is certainly not the 
case. The inhabitants of entire parishes are enrolled 
together; as, for example, the parish of Sutton Valence 
in Kent. Here D. Laurence Golding, evidently the priest 
of the village, heads a list of some forty or fifty men and 
women. It is clearly, to say the least, most unlikely that 
what must have been practically the whole of a village 
would with their priest have been in Ron1e at the san1e 
time. So, in the Norwich diocese, amongst others, we find 
that the Prioress of Campsey and eight of her nuns were 
enrolled on March 16, 1492. They would hardly have 
been all pilgrims in Rome on that date. 
In the diocese of \Vorcester, again, over 600 nan1es are 
recorded in this Register; and in some cases there is a note 
of the amount of aln1s bestowed. For example, in the 
parish of St. Swithun, London, there was a London nlerchant 
named Robert Fetwell, who had left the Roman Hospice 
six ducats, and on July I, 1450, the widow paid this sum 
to the collector. So, in another parish, Thomas Scott, an 
alderman of the city, and his wife Edith promised to pay a 
yearly sun1; but a note is added to this entry stating that 
in 1450 they had so far paid nothing. 
From two or three notes at the end of this book of 
receipts, it may be conjectured that the Hospice received 
some 200 golden ducats a year: at least in 1447, Dr. Hugh 
Forster, Penitentiary of the Pope and in that year Custos 
of the Roman Institution, and the two call1erarii, or coun- 
cillors, accounted for the receipt of that sunl. The year 
1 Foley Records, etc., prints the list of names from that published by 
John Bowyer Nichols in 1834, in Collectanea TopograPhica. In this print 
the first set of names is prefaced by the words Nomina receptorum in Roma 
de Dioc. Cantuarien. This would lead the reader to suppose that the 
names were those of actual pilgrims to Rome. This title, however, does 
not exist in the MS. 

4 2 


following, 1447, the same sum is acknowledged as having 
been received by John Lacy, the Custos of the Hospice, 
and his councillors. The name of the collector in those two 
years was one Matthew Crompe, and he forwarded the sum 
from England to the Roman officials. Before the list of the 
fraternity of the Roman Hospice in Yorkshire, there is a 
note from which it appears that a certain John Losthouse, 
II a citizen of York and a brother of the Hospital of St. 
Thomas the MartyT in the city of Ronle," had sent a certain 
number of golden ducats to the Custos in part payment of 
forty English soldi sterling, which he had prOInised. The 
money had been dispatched to Ronle by the hands of three 
Yorkshire priests, who were travelling thither; but, on 
arriving in the Eternal City, on account of the exchange 
allowed at the banks of London and Bologna, it was found 
that the actual sum received was short of that promised 
by six nobles. 
From the books in existence, it would appear that there 
were various grades among the English associates of the 
Roman Hospice. It is not quite clear what they were, or 
upon what the distinction was based; but probably it 
depended on the amount given. Some of the associates 
were merely members of the Confraternity, which existed 
for the support of the Hospice, and only partook in the 
Indulgences and spiritual favours given to those assisting 
this national charity. Others were admitted to C< concilla 
et sufjragia" -that is, apparently they were members 
having the right to take part in the management of the 
Hospital, and to give their vote at the yearly election of 
the officials. Amongst the associates in Rome, one or 
two well-known names nlay be noted as being also menlbers 
of the Hospice. For instance, we find that George Lilly 
was an associate in Ronle, and Dr. Richard Pede, a doctor 
of Canon Law and Dean of Hereford. In the diocese of 
Chichester the first of the Confratres to register his name 
was Adanl :Moleyns or 
Molyneux, Bishop of the same see. 
Whilst he was in Rome, he was councillor and auditor of 
the Hospice, and, as a notice of him says: "he has always 
been a protector and supporter of this Hospital." 
In 1491 a Roman ecclesiastic and a former chanlberlain 



of the Pope-one John de Garona-Ieft all his chapel 
furniture to the Church of St. Thon1as's Hospital, and 
twenty ducats towards the building. He also bequeathed 
his house to the officials of the Hospice, but with the proviso 
that the rent should go each year towards the building of 
S. Laurenzo in Damaso as long as it was needed. 1 
It may be convenient here to speak of the provisions 
made for the pilgrims who visited Rome. By the estab- 
lished rule every gentleman or well-to-do person, if he 
desired, was to be given U bread, wine and ware" for three 
days free of charge, and every commoner had to be received 
at the Hospice "for eight days and nights, with meat, 
drink and lodging." Stowe in his Annales also says that 
" if any woman happens to be near the time of her deliver- 
ance, so that she dare not take her journey, she is to be 
honestly kept till she be purified, and then, if she were able, 
to go away with her child; if not, she was to be kept till 
it was seven years old." Dr. Oliver 2 writes: "The best 
description I have seen of it (the Hospice) is in the Roma 
Sancta by that prodigy of learning and piety, Dr. Gregory 
Martin, the original folio MS. of which is at Ugbrook, con- 
taining about 368 pages, and was finished April 9, 1581." 
He dates the foundation from 1361 in the Popedon1 of 
Innocent VI. "The church is very con1modious, with six 
altars; chaplains and brethren \,ithin the house to say 
Mass and other service, eight with their Custos or Principal. 
Here are received all Englishn1en without exception (especi- 
ally pilgrims and the poorer sort) for eight days; and, upon 
consideration for the parties' necessity, for double and triple 
and longer, with meat, drink and lodging, very competent 
and honest; and money also according to the parties' 
necessities. Here are received the sick of our nation if 
there be some. The revenues are by the year about 1495 
crowns, arising of houses especially. The Government 
pertaineth (in 1581) to the Cardinal Protector of Our nation 
and to the chaplains and brethren within the house, which 
have their Custos, and to them of our nation abroad in the 
city of the better sort, which by order or statute are made 
1 'Vill, dated July 24, 1491, in Lib, Instr" i. f. I. 
I Quoted by Br. Foley, LJiary and Pilf:rim Book, Introd. xxvii. 



brethren. All which made a solemn Brotherhood and 
Congregation and meet together diverse times about matters 
of the Hospital." 
Br. Foley, in his volume of the Jesuit Records regarding 
the Diary and Pilgrim Book of the English Hospice, has 
printed from Nichols's Collectanca some early lists of pilgrims 
who were received in the Roman house. They are for the 
years 1504 to 1507, but on a conlparison of the print with the 
original MS., 1 the names of persons and places in the former 
are found to be quite unreliable. The numbers of English 
conling to the Eternal City in the early years of the sixteenth 
century are quite remarkable. In 1504-5, for exanlple, 
the total was 82, of whom 48 were of the poorer sort; in 
15 0 5-6 there are noted 212, of whom 157 were poor pilgrims; 
in 1506-7 sonle 207 were received at the Hospice. These 
are mere stray records, for the actual Pilgrim Book does 
not begin till 1580. Although in the margins of Cardinal 
Pole's account book there are notes of the reception of 
certain guests between the years 1548 and 1559, these are 
made by the accountant rather with the object of explaining 
additional expenses than for the purpose of registering the 
names of the guests or pilgrin1s. 
From the date of the P1lgrim Book-IS80 to the year 
16s6-the entries of the nanles are continuous, and the 
volunle is a revelation of the numbers of Catholics who in 
the dark days of religious persecution found their way 
from England to the Eternal City. \Vhen dealing with 
this period of the History of the English College, it will be 
necessary to speak of these lists at greater length, and to 
call attention to sonle of the better known nanles of English 
visitors entered in the pages of this interesting volume. For 
the moment we may confine our attention to the earlier 
Ahnost the first nanle on the roll of pilgrims in 1504 is 
a Mr. Thonlas Halsey, a student at Bologna. 2 He was not 
the only Englishman of that University who came on a 
visit to Rome; and perhaps the most interesting amongst 
these was Dr. Nicholas Harpesfield, who was received at the 
1 Lib. Imtr., i. f. 2, fl. 19, 21; ft. 29, 32. 
2 Not Bonn as Br. Foley always prints this word. 



Hospice on October 17, 1505. This is the historian after- 
wards exiled for his faith in the reign of Elizabeth, of whom 
more will have to be said when he took refuge in the College 
in the latter part of the century. 
Among the visitors from England there are a goodly 
number of clerics styled U students" or U scholars." 
Probably these were clerks in Holy Orders, who at that tinle 
were the holders of benefices with a licence to go abroad 
to study. We find in the lists, for instance, John Dawson, 
described as a scholar of Lancaster; John Lon1bard as a 
scholar of Lincoln, and others. There are some rather 
curious entries. For example: in January 1505 there 
canle to the Hospice a child of twelve years who, as the 
record has it, It because he arrived nearly half dead remained 
until the middle of May." In :March of the same year, 
one John Rawlin, an English sailor, asked for help and 
shelter. He had been seriously wounded by robbers and 
was U half dead." He remained for thirty-six da ys U to 
the great burden of the HospitaL" There were in this 
period a great many priests, visitors from the English 
dioceses, and monks and friars of all colours found their 
way to Rome in the early years of the sixteenth century. 
In :March 1505, for instance, no fewer than twelve priests 
of the diocese of NOr\vich arrived in a body. In May of 
the same year, the names of the Captain and ten sailors 
from the vessel A nne Clark are entered in the record as 
having been entertained at the Hospice. Again in October, 
five sailors of the Royal Navy and, in December, three of 
the ship Thomas of London were guests of the Fraternity 
of St. Thomas the Martyr. 
To take one or two other instances of interesting items 
from these records: in 1506 a Welshman arrived at the 
Hospice and claimed help. He was very unwell, and 
remained so for sixteen days, and, says the record, U being 
unable to speak any other language but Welsh, the Hospice 
was burdened with a \Velsh interpreter to wait upon him." 
On May 14, 1506, there arrived in Rome Dr. Henry Standish, 
Provincial of the Minorites of England, accompanied by 
Dr. Thomas Draper and Dr. John \Varner, Prior of the 
Bedford house of the Order. Dr. Standish was later utilised 

4 6 


by Henry VIII in the suppression of the monasteries, 
and subsequently becan1e Bishop of St. Asaph and the 
Consecrator of Archbishop Crannler. 
To sum up the history of the English Hospital during 
this period, it may be sufficient to say, that until the defec- 
tion of Henry VIII from the Church, the Institution grew 
steadily in wealth and national importance. The officials 
during the fifteenth century were men of n1erit and distinc- 
tion, and the Hospice was frequently, if not generally, the 
residence of the English Ambassador to the Pope. The 
administration appears to have been wise; and a vigilant 
care was exercised in watching over the trust reposed in 
the officials. At the same time it is evident that those in 
charge extended the charity of the establishment with a 
generous and impartial hand to the pilgrims and the sick 
of the English nation. 
In 1412 the Hospital was rebuilt, and in 1445 the new 
Church of the Blessed Trinity and St. Thomas was conse- 
crated, and received many privileges from Pope Eugenius IV. 
Amongst others it was granted the extra-parochial rights 
of a cen1etery for the English as were given to the old 
Schola A nglorum. Donations from many people of distinc- 
tion continued to be recorded. The Duchess of York, for 
instance, presented a superb chalice, candelabra and salvers 
of silver weighing 176 ounces. Among the officials, besides 
those already named, are to be found Adam Apollyns, 
afterwards Bishop of Chichester; Christopher Urswick, 
afterwards Ambassador to France, Dean of Windsor, 
Recorder of London, etc.; Dr. Walter Grey and Dr. Hannibal. 

From the date of its foundation, about the middle of the 
fourteenth century, till towards the close of the fifteenth, 
the Hospital was governed by a Custos and two Councillors 
elected annually at a meeting of the Fraternity. It had 
gradually assumed a position of national importance. For 
its support it depended not only on its revenues from 
Ron1an properties-lands and houses-but on money 
which was freely subscribed for the purpose in England; 



and it became the recognised centre of English influence 
in the Eternal City. The Royal Envoys and the Proctors 
of the English Kings in Ron1e were in close connection 
with the Institution, often as distinguished members of the 
Fraternity, son1etin1es as occupying one or other of the 
houses which belonged to It in the immediate neighbourhood 
of the Hospice, and in some instances even holding the 
position of officials governing it. 
Towards the close of the fifteenth century, the English 
King intervened personally in the affairs of the establish- 
ment. In 1486 and again in 1498, Henry VII addressed 
letters to the officials ruling it at the time, by the hands of 
his Ambassador, Dr Robert Sherborne, then Dean of St. 
Paul's, London, asking for information as to the manage- 
ment and general status of the English Hospital, etc. 
The first of these was dated from Westminster, on 
January 29, 1486, and was to the following effect :- 
II Henry by the Grace of God, King of England and France 
and Lord of Ireland to the honourable guardians of the 
property of our Hospital of St. Thomas the Martyr in the 
City of Rome, and to the brethren of the said place, Salutation. 
II By the letters of the Right Revd Lord [Cardinal 
Archbishop] of Siena,l the Protector of our Kingdom, and 
of our Lord John de Giglis, our Ambassador, we have 
understood that the English Hospice in the City of Rome 
is so very honourably endowed that, besides the usual 
officials, who devoting themselves to divine and literary 
studies now govern it to the glory of God and to our honour 
and that of our Kingdom, its revenues can fully maintain 
it in as fitting a manner as the Hospices of other nations 
established in Rome. 
II \Ve, therefore, desiring to increase and assist the 
work for God from Whom all good things come, everywhere 
but in a particular manner in this beloved city, order and 
exhort all and each of you severally that, for the happy 
preservation of this state, you strictly observe and cause to 
be observed by others, the Statutes drawn up after the 
1 This was Francis Tedeschini Piccolornini, afterwards Pope Pius III, 
who was created Cardinal by bis uncle Æneas Silvius Piccolomini, then 
Pope Pius II. 

4 8 


mature deliberation of the brethren, by Robert Sherborn, 
our Orator. These Statutes are made for the HospIce, by 
our Ambassador and are intended for all time. And lest 
our con1n1ands, which we are unwilling to think possible, be 
set at nought, We order this present letter to be inscribed in 
the Official Book of the Hospice, that in the future no one 
may be able to plead ignorance of these our commands. 
Should you become acquainted with anyone who disregards 
this injunction, we desire that you n1ake known his nan1e 
to Us and thus give satisfaction to God and to Us. 
" Fron1 our Palace by Westminster, 29 January, 1486." 
This letter is attested by the signatures of Jo. de Giglis, 
Regis Orator; Edwardus Scott predicte Hospitalis 
Camerarius, manu propria; Frater Franciscus ejusden1 Hosp. 
Cappellanus, n1anu propria: Thomas Lasenby, Confrater 
Hospit. supradicte, manu propria. 
The Popes did not cease to manifest their interest in 
the Hospice of the English, and in 1497 Alexander VI 
issued a bull in confirmation of all the privileges previously 
granted by his predecessors and taking the Institution 
under his special protection. 1 
To a second letter the officers replied on the 20th of 
January, 1499, to the royal request. They fully acknow- 
ledged that the Institution was not a private charity, but 
a national establishment. They claimed that the property 
and funds received for its support were adn1inistered with 
every care as the King's royal Hospice. They informed him 
that the accounts were well and carefully kept, and pre- 
served in the archives of the Institution, and they express 
their satisfaction at receiving his demand for inforn1ation, 
as an evidence of his interest and care for" Your Hospital." 
They conclude by expressing the hope that " Your Hospice, 
most Illustrious Prince, may ever be a safe refuge and sure 
help to all Your English subjects," and they earnestly 
commend it to his royal care. 2 
A few years later-in 1s04-the same Ambassador, 
Dr. Robert Sherborne, came again to Rome to offer the 
obedience of the English King to Pope Julius lIon his 

1 1I-femb.. Dec. 7. 1493 (original bull). 

I Lib. 17. f. 90. 

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accession to the Pontifical throne. At this vis] t most of 
the business of the legation was thrown upon the officials 
of the English Hospital, with the result that their time 
being so fully occupied the accounts of the Institution 
were thrown into arrear, and the elections of officials could 
not be held until after the departure of the English Ambas- 
sadors. Immediately after this, moreover, the existing 
Custos of the Hospital was taken ill and died on the 25th 
of J illy; the place remaining without a governor till 
November and being temporarily administered by the then 
chaplain, Dr. John Allen. 
This irregular state of affairs was brought to the imme- 
diate notice of the King. He, seeing, as he says, what 
difficulties and misfortunes might arise from similar circum- 
stances, and indeed from any election made merely by the 
English present in Rome, who often at this time were only 
few in number, called together some of the chief members 
of the Fraternity in England to have their advice as to what 
was best to be done for the greater good of the place. As 
a reslùt, he determined that thenceforth the Governor or 
Custos of the English Hospital in Rome should be appointed 
by the Crown. To carry this decision into effect royal 
letters were dispatched to Dr. Sherborne, the Ambassador, 
appointing him to the office. In his turn Dr. Sherborne 
nominated Dr. Inge, whose name has already been noted, 
and who was then English Penitentiary of the Pope in Rome, 
to be Vice-Guardian. This appointment, on the advice of 
the brethren of St. Thomas's Hospital resident in England, 
was subsequently confirmed by the King. l It would appear 
that about this time, or a little later, it was ordained that 
the books and accounts of the Hospice should be regularly 
sent to England for the King's inspection and approva1. 
Dr. Hugh Inge held the office to whIch he had been 
nominated for four or five years, and subsequently became 
Archbishop of Dublin and Chancellor of Ireland. In 1509 
Christopher Bainbridge, Archbishop of York, came to Rome, 
as the representative of King Henry VIII, and in the 
following year was made Custos of the English Hospice, 
naming a commissary to take the active superintendence 
1 Lib. Instr., i. f. 12. 




of the Institution in his place. In 1511 Bainbridge was 
created Cardinal, but in 1514 he died, being poisoned by 
an Italian steward. He was buried in the Church of the 
Hospice and his monumental effigy is still preserved in the 
English College. 
On Cardinal Bainbridge's elevation to the sacred purple, 
Dr. Richard Pace was appointed Guardian in 1512. He 
was one of the most illustrious diplomatists of his day, and 
his dispatches from 1514 to 1524 form no inconsiderable 
a portion of the English political correspondence of the 
period. vVhilst in Rome he was actively engaged in pro- 
moting the election of his master, King Henry VIII, to the 
Empire, and of Cardinal Wolsey to the Papacy. Pace 
was succeeded as Custos in 1513 by Dr. Thomas Halsey,l 
who was subsequently promoted to the see of Leighlin in 
Ireland. In 1514 a Dr. John Bell held the office. He had 
been a scholar of Balliol College, Oxford, and he was sent 
out to Rome by the KIng of England to explain the royal 
point of view in regard to the Divorce question. After 
holding various English preferments he was rewarded for 
his efforts in Rome with the see of Worcester. He is said 
to have been a very learned scholar, but not very loyal 
to Catholic principles. Again, in 1519, the office of Governor 
or Custos of the Hospice was given to Dr. Silvester Giglis, 
Bishop of Worcester and then Ambassador of the English 
King in Rome. An interesting old tombstone, still existing, 
records the fact that Bishop Giglis, when Ambassador of 
England and Custos of the Hospice, erected it to the memory 
of Dom John vVeddisbury, O.S.B., Prior of Worcester, 
who died August 23, 1518, when on a pilgrimage to the 
shrines of the Apostles. From 1522 to 1524 another royal 
Ambassador to the Holy See held the office. This was Dr. 
Thomas Hannibal, who had taken his degree in Laws at 
both Universities of Oxford and Cambridge and had been 
created Master of the Rolls. 
These instances will be sufficient to show that the 
English King at this period freely exercised the right he 
had assumed of appointing the head of the English Hospice 

1 Probably the same who came as a student from Bologna in 1504, 
and whose name stands first on the roll of Pilgrims in that year. 

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in Rome. Frequently the appointments were made evi- 
dently in reward for services rendered to the Crown, and 
several of the Ambassadors to the Pope are amongst those 
who, at least nominally, presided over the fortunes of the 
Institution. Of these one interesting personality is John 
Clerk, Bishop of Bath and \Vells, who took over the office 
of Guardian in 1523. In the year 1521 he was sent to Rome 
by King Henry VIII and Cardinal Wolsey, in order to 
present to Pope Leo X Henry's work on the Seven 
Sacraments against Luther, written for him as is commonly 
believed by Bishop John Fisher, the Martyr. The Envoy 
was received by the Pope in full Consistory on \Vednesday, 
October 2, and spoke his oration in the presence of His 
Holiness, the Cardinals and all the Ambassadors of Europe. 
The theme of Bishop Clerk's speech was a declaration 
of the historic loyalty of England to the Roman Church. 
In the course of it he said: U Of other nationalities let 
others speak; but assuredly my Britain-my England, as 
in later times she has been called, has never yielded to any 
nearer nation; no, not even to Rome itself, in the service 
of God, in the Christian faith and in the obcdience due to 
the Most Holy Roman Church; even as there is no nation, 
which more opposes, more condemns, more loathes this 
monster (i. e. Lutheranism) and the heresies which spring 
from it:' 
Bishop Clerk held the office of Custos or Governor of the 
EngJish Hospice for two years. He came again to Rome 
in 1527, when Dr. Richard Shirley governed the Institution 
as his commissary, and he was taken ill at Dunkirk in 1540 
on returning from an Embassy to Germany. He, however, 
reached England, and dying in London, was buried in St. 
Botolph's, Aldgate. A stone was erected to his memory by 
the Societas Anglica in Rome, in the church of the Hospice, 
and it is still preserved among the relics, saved from the 
ruins of the ancient buildings. By his will Bishop Clerl{ 
left to the Hospice a mitre adorned with precious stones, 
said to have been worth fifty guineas. 
The year 1527 was a time of dire disaster in Rome during 
which the English Hospital suffered greatly. On May 5 
the Imperial army, undcr the Constable Bourbon, reached 



the walls of the city with the avowed intention of sacking 
it. It seems to be probable that the Landsknechte, a very 
large proportion of whom were Lutherans, had got com- 
pletely out of hand, and that practically they forced their 
commander to lead them against the city of the Popes. 
Clement VII was unprepared for this sudden attack, and 
confiding in the truce he had just concluded with the 
Imperial commissioners, had left the defences of Rome almost 
unprotected. The attack came without warning, and the 
Pope had only time to seek refuge in the Castle of Sant' 
Angelo, when the enemy entered the city. For eight days, 
the It Sack of Rome" continued unchecked, and horrors 
almost without parallel in history were witnessed in its 
streets. An impartial authority has thus described this 
terrible disaster: II The Lutherans rejoiced to burn and to 
defile what all the world adored. Churches were desecrated, 
women, even the religious, were violated, Ambassadors 
pillaged, Cardinals put to ransom, ecclesiastical dignitaries 
and ceremonies made a mockery, and the soldiers fought 
amongst themselves for the spoil." 1 For more than seven 
months Pope Clement VII remained virtually a prisoner 
in the Castle of Sant' Angelo. 
A recent writer, Mr. J. W. Gerard, formerly American 
Ambassador in Berlin until America broke off relations 
with Germany, writes of this sack of Rome: II There is 
no more horrible event in all history than that of the sack 
of Rome by the German mercenaries in the year 1527. 
II The most awful outrages were perpetrated. Prelates 
were tortured after bei ng paraded through the streets of 
the Eternal City, dressed in their sacred pontificals and 
mounted on donkeys. Altars were defiled, sacred images 
broken, vestments and services and works of art taken from 
the plundered churches and sacred relics insulted, broken 
and scattered. For nine months the orgy continued, the 
inhabitants being tortured by these German soldiers in 
their effort to find hidden treasure. In fact conditions in 
Belgium to-day had their counterpart centuries ago in the 
treatment of Roman Catholic priests and the people of 
Rome. ., 

1 Cambridge Modern History. ii. 55. 



During these terrible excesses, as may readily be sup- 
posed, the English foundation of St. Thomas and St. Edmund 
suffered in common with the other sanctuaries and buildings 
in the Eternal City. One record in the Archives of the 
English College proves that the damage to the Institution 
was considerable, and the catastrophe is also marked by 
the entire absence of accounts and inventories for the years 
1527 to 1538. Apparently also, no election of officials 
was held in the fatal year 1527, and from the following year 
till 1537, for purposes no doubt of reconstruction, the 
Hospice remained under the care of the same official, one 
John Borowbridge. As already noted, this Guardian 
was accused of allowing the Hospice to get into debt in 
1528; but, as he remained in office during these critical 
years till 1537, apparently he must have been able to 
defend himself; and it is easy to understand how the 
accounts may have been in disorder for some time after 
the sack of the city and the destruction wrought in the 
Hospice. In 1530 Pope Clement VII issued a bull in favour 
of the Institution granting special Indulgences to all who 
would help in restoring the church, which, "in the sack of 
the city by the Bourbon had lost all its altar plate, together 
with other property and papers." 1 
The defection of the English King from the Church, 
naturally changed the status of the English Hospice in 
Rome. One large source of revenue-the contributions 
collected in England for its support-were immediately cut 
off, and the constant flow of pilgrims came to an end at 
least for a time. From the date of the breach with the 
Holy See, the Hospice in Rome became for many years 
rather a refuge for exiles for the Faith than a hospital for 
the poor, the sick and travellers. The appointment of the 
Guardian of the Institution, no longer exercised by the 
King of England, passed to the Holy See. In 1538 it was 
represented to Pope Paul III that, as most of the members 
of the Fraternity were either dead or had disappeared, 
there was a real danger of the Institution becoming a 
sinecure benefice and of thus being lost to the English nation. 
He recognised this, and to prevent it, on March 8, 1538, 
1 l,femb., May 3. 1530. 



issued a bull confinning the election of certain Englishmen 
in Rome as brethren of the Hospice, and appointing Cardinal 
Pole as the Custos or Guardian. 1 
The Cardinal governed the Institute by a Commissary, 
and in 1540 his secretary, Michael Throckmorton, held this 
office and was succeeded the following year by Dr. Thomas 
GoidweIl,2 who was at that time (1541) living in Rome 
with Cardinal Pole, having followed his master when he 
escaped out of England and having been attainted with 
him in 1539. Goldwell was afterwards made Bishop of 
St. Asaph in 1555, at the nomination of Queen Mary. 
Subsequently he attended Cardinal Pole 011 his deathbed, 
anrl escaped to the Continent, when the religious changes 
under Queen Elizabeth made it obvious that he must 
choose between the acceptance of the principles of the 
Reformation, or exile for conscience' sake. Goldwell was 
the only English Bishop who was present at the Council 
of Trent in 1562, in which year he was attainted for the 
second time by the English Parliament. He became for 
a time Vicar-General to St. Charles Borromeo, and in 1574 
was named Vicegerent of Rome. 
In 1544, the office of Custos was given to one, who is 
described as \Villiam, Bishop of Salisbury. This was the 
famous Franciscan Friar, \Villiam Peto, who was Provincial 
of the Observant Friars in England at the time when the 
thorny question of Henry's Divorce became acute. He 
was exiled, or more probably escaped abroad after his well- 
known sermon preached in Henry's presence at Greenwich 
He found his way to Rome and was there welcomed by 
Cardinal Pole to the Hospice. In 1543, Peto was created 
by the Pope, in a Consistory of :March 30, Bishop of Salis- 
bury.3 In March 1544, on his appointment by the Pope 
as Custos of the Enghsh Hospice, he is described as U bishop 
elect of Salisbury," 4 and he was probably consecrated 
between that date and September 1545, when he is styled 
" Bishop of Salisbury." 5 
Bishop Peto continued in the office of Custos till 1553, 

1 Lib. Illstr" iv. p. 370, 2 11J enzb., March 15, 1541. 
:I See Maztere Brady, EPiscopal Succession, ii. p. 2<)0. 
t llIemb., March 28, 1544. :; l\1emb., Sept. II, 1545. 


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(Sebastiano del Piombino) 




[To face p. 54- 



but his creation as Bishop of Salisbury was, of course, not 
recognised by H
nry VIII, nor apparently, as it would 
seem, by Queen M:uy. In 1557 he was created Cardinal 
priest by Pope Paul IV and was nominated Legate to 
England in succession to Cardinal Pole. He was, however, 
stopped at Calais on his way and prohibited from entering 
England by Queen :Mary. When at last, as the result of 
negotiations, he was allowed to enter the country, he was 
taken seriously in at Canterbury and died immediately. 
In 1544 Bishop Peto, on his nomination as Custos of the 
Hospice, appointed as his Commissary Dr. Richard Hilyard, 
who is another interesting personality to find connected 
wi th the English Hospice. He also was an exile from his 
country for his religious convictions, having compromised 
himself with the English King by going about the Yorkshire 
monasteries in I536, urging the religious to resist the sup- 
pression of their houses, and to refuse to surrender their 
trusts at the King's bidding. His arrest was ordered, 
but he escaped into Scotland and thence to the Continent. 
At one time, whilst in Rome, he must have written a History 
of the Divorce of Henry VIII, which was apparently at 
the English College when Fr. Parsons published the 
Roman edition of Sander's Sthism, as he quotes passages 
from it. Unfortunately it cannot now be found in the 
archi ves. 
Dr. Hilyard was succeeded in 1545 by Dr. Goldwell 
for the second time, and he continued in office till 1548. 
In this year Cardinal Pole was again appointed by the 
Pope Custos of the Hospice, and he reappointed Dr. Gold- 
well as his Commissary 1 for some years. The Cardinal's 
account book 2 for the years 1548 to 1559 still exists, and it 
affords many interesting particulars in regard to the manage- 
ment of the Institution. The volume has for its frontis- 
piece an illumination of the Holy Trinity with SS. Thomas 
and Edmund, similar to that of Bishop Clerk's book, already 
spoken of above. From the accounts for 1548, it appears 
that those living in the Hospice were Bishop Peto, who had 
two servants; Dr. Goldwell, who had one, and who was then 
Commissary of the Cardinal, and the two Councillors, Dr. 

1 1I1emb., July 6, 1548. 

I Lib. 23. 



Richard Hilyard and George Lilly. The latter has already 
been mentioned, and at this time he was one of Pole's 
chaplains. He was made a Canon of Canterbury in 1558, 
and died the following year. Besides these, Cardinal Pole's 
secretary, Michael Throckmorton, also had quarters in the 
The following year, 1549, another chaplain of the Cardinal, 
Henry Pynings, was Councillor of the house together with 
George Lilly. At the end of this year, a note in the accounts 
states that on December 3 U the Lord Bishop of Salisbury 
(Peto) left the Hospice for the Hospital of S. Brigida," being 
ill, and for the curious reason U propter inceptum conclave," 
the Hospice paying for him and two priests with him. 
Perhaps the reason for his departure U because of the Con- 
clave," is partially explained by a note of December 5, 
two days later, when it is said: U to-day we were com- 
pelled to receive soldiers to defend the house on rumours 
of the election of the Pontiff." 
The election here referred to was that of Cardinal del 
Monte, after a long Conclave, extending from November 29, 
1549, to February 8, 1550, when he took the name of Pope 
Julius III. What specially affected the English Hospice 
was that its Custos, Cardinal Pole, was very nearly elected 
Pope on the 5th of December, on which, according to the 
above note, the Hospice received a guard of soldiers, cc on 
rumours of the election of the Pontiff. " We know all the 
facts of this election from an important historical document, 
which no doubt in order to preserve it has been inserted in 
the Liber Ruber of the English College. 1 This document 
was printed in 1909 by l\fgr. Cronin,2 then Vice-Rector of 
the Venerabile. From his study of the paper he has been 
able to show that these notes of the Conclave were made 
by Bishop Goldwell, who had accompanied Cardinal Pole 
as Conclavist, and who remained intimately attached to 
the College, as we shall have occasion to see in the sequel. 
These notes record the numbers of votes received by Pole 
at each of the various scrutinies. In the first voting, on 
December 3, Cardinal Pole had the greatest number of votes, 
namely twenty-one; and on the third day-the 5th of 
1 Archives, lib. 303. I In Rome, August 21, 1909. 

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December-he was only two votes short of the required 
two-thirds of the Cardinals present, and they proposed to 
elect him by U adoration." This, however, Pole refused to 
allow, but he continued to the end to receive more than 
twenty votes of the assembled Cardinals. There can be 
little doubt, therefore, that it was the rumour in Rome that 
the English Cardinal, Reginald Pole, had been elected to 
fill the Papal throne, which caused the Hospice to be guarded 
by soldiers on December 5, 1549, as recorded in the old 
account book. 
In 1550 at Cardinal Pole's orders there was buried in 
the Church of the English Hospice, Marcantonio Flaminio, 
the celebrated humanist scholar. Of this great Latinist, 
the Bishop of Clifton writes: U In Mancurti's Life of 
:Marcantonio Flaminio (1498-1550), prefixed to the complete 
edition of the latter's Latin poems (Padua, 1743), it is 
stated that the poet was buried the day after his death 
in the Church of the English nation by order of Cardinal 
Pole, whom he had fntrusted with the management of all 
he had. Few of the poets of the Renaissance vie with him 
in elegance, simplicity, and tenderness, and his life was 
without reproach. Leo X was much delighted with him 
as a boy, Paul III offered to make him secretary of the 
Council of Trent, and Paul IV, then Cardinal Caraffa, aided 
him in his last moments. He was long a member of the 
household of Cardinal Pole, who treasured his portrait 
after his death." 
At this time another chaplain of Cardinal Pole found 
his way to Rome in the person of Dr. Seth Holland, who 
became Counsellor or Auditor of the Hospice. He returned 
to England when Queen Mary came to the throne, and became 
Dean of Worcester in 1557. He remained staunch to the 
old religion in the days of Elizabeth and died in prison. 
With the return of England to Catholic unity, whilst 
many of the refugees for religious motives in the two previous 
reigns returned to their country, the account book of Cardinal 
Pole's administration shows that pilgrims and travellers 
to Rome began again to seek the hospitality of the old 
English Hospice. In 1553, for example, it is noted that 
U now eight, now ten, now twelve persons are being received 



as strangers." On September 27 of that year the coming 
of an II English musician" is recorded, and on his departure 
on October 15, he is described as " the English Organist." 
Unfortunately his name is not given. In this same month 
of October 1553, a note in the margin of this volume states 
that II a jubilee is granted on the 29th for the good result 
of English affairs." 
One or two items, from the accounts for the year 1555, 
may be here noted as showing how matters of some interest 
lie buried in the old books of the English College, awaiting 
discovery by some one who will have the time and the 
patience to search for them. On Saturday, March 23, 
1555, for example, it is recorded that "to-day died the 
Supreme Pontiff, Julius III": on the 1st of April, the 
Conda ve is said to have begun, and on the loth, "the 
creation and coronation OJ of Pope :Marcellus is noted down 
by the accountant. On the 31st of May, there arrived at 
the Hospice the Steward and a considerable part of the 
suite of the English Ambassadors, and on the 5th of June, 
the Ambassadors of Queen Mary made a solemn entry into 
the city. On the Sunday following, June 9, which was in 
that year Trinity Sunday, the English in Rome and many 
others were invited to meet the Ambassadors who were 
apparently staying at the Hospice. 
Bishop Goldwell left Rome for England to take up the 
charge of his diocese of St. Asaph in 1555, and the then 
Ambassador of Queen Mary, Sir Edward Carne, was nomin- 
ated by the Queen as his successor in the office of Custos 
of the Hospital. This appointment was confirmed by Pope 
Paul IV; 1 but Bishop Goldwell flying from persecution, 
came to Rome once more an exile, in 1561, and returned to 
the Hospice. From that time he continued to reside there; 
two rooms- in subsequent accounts being called" l\ly Lord 
of Asaph's chambers. OJ Before the Bishop's return, how- 
ever, in 1560, the Pope, Pius IV, whilst confìnning the 
Ordinances for the government of the Institution n1ade by 
Paul III, relieved Sir Edward Carne of his office of Custos 2 
When Queen Elizabeth came to the throne, and the 
Elizabethan settlement of religion was imposed upon the 

1 Memb., April 24, 1560. 

II J.Uemb., April 24, 1560. 



English nation, the Hospice in Rome once more came to be 
a place of refuge for some of the Catholic clergy, who were 
able to escape to the Continent from the religious persecution. 
With Bishop Goldwell, there arrived in Rome two of the 
Welsh clergy, like him exiles for their religion, namely 
Dr. Maurice Clagnòg, or Clenock, and Dr. Griffith Roberts 
Dr. Clenock had been nominated, just before the death of 
Queen Mary, to the Bishopric of Bangor, and he immediately 
appointed his friend Griffith Roberts to the Archdeaconry of 
Anglesey. Queen Elizabeth's religious settlement suspended 
the appointments, and forced the two friends to leave 
England. Dr. Griffith Roberts, like Clenock, was a member 
of Christ Church, Oxford, and a very distinguished Welsh 
scholar. On coming to Rome he took up his quarters in 
the English Hospice, and in 1564 was one of the chaplains 
of the establishment, which was then ruled by the exiled 
Bishop of St. Asaph, Dr. Goldwell, as Custos. After the 
death of Pope Pius IV in 1565, Dr. Roberts went with 
St. Charles Borromeo to Milan, where he lived for many 
years as the friend, counsellor and confessor of the saintly 
Archbishop. In 1565, the Custos or Guardian of the English 
Institution was the above-named Dr. Maurice Clenock, the 
Welshman. He had been a chaplain to Cardinal Pole. 
On leaving England he apparently found his way immediately 
to Rome, where he remained either as a lodger, Custos or 
Councillor of the Hospice until, in 1578, the Institution 
was erected into the English College, of which he became 
the first Rector. 
From the Inventory of 1565 1 and the following years, 
it is seen that, when Dr. Maurice Clenock first became the 
Custos in that year, the following refugee Marian priests 
were also living in the Hospice: Edward Tailer, William 
Giblet, Henry Henshaw, Henry Alwaye 2 or Alwayt, Edward 
Ampart, Robert Talacre, Edward Daniel, Mr. Gressope, 
William Knott, John Seton, Thomas Kirton, Sir John 
Neville, Robert Grapham, Nicholas Morton, Thomas Crane, 
Sir Edward Carne, and John and Richard Barnard. 
1 Lib. 33, f. 25. 
! Henry Alwaye was in 1559 one of the chaplains of the Countess of 
Feria, and as such obtained a passport to leave England. 



Many of these names can be recognised as those of men 
holding ecclesiastical positions in England before the change 
of religion. For instance, William Giblet in his will, made 
in 1590, describes himself as an exiled English priest: 
Henry Henshaw was a Fellow of Lincoln College and Rector 
of Merton College, Oxford, which office he resigned in 1560, 
and crossed to the Continent to obtain freedom of con- 
science: Edmund Daniel was Dean of Hereford and, in 
giving evidence in Rome at an enquiry held in 1570 to deter- 
mine the religious opinions of Queen Elizabeth, declared 
that he himself had been present when that Queen forbade 
the Elevation of the Sacred Host in the Mass. Dr. John 
Seton had been a Fellow of St. John's, Cambridge, and had 
been chaplain to Blessed John Fisher, and after him to 
Bishop Gardiner of Winchester: Nicholas Morton was a 
graduate and Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and he 
took his D.D. in Rome in 1554. He returned to England 
in :Mary's reign, but fled abroad in the early days of Eliza- 
beth, when it became obvious that her religious position 
would once more sever the country from the unity of the 
A curious document, printed by Maziere Brady 1 seems 
to show that the English Hospice, even in the reign of 
Elizabeth, was regarded as the centre of English interests 
in Rome, and as the place to which even Protestants would 
naturally turn for help in any difficulty. The paper states 
that, in 1564, Bishop Goldwell and thirteen priests living in 
the English Hospice, were called upon to testify to the 
character and position of Sir Richard Sackville and his son 
Thomas. The fonner was a first cousin of Anne Boleyn, 
and the priests of the Hospice are therefore correct in 
testifying to his connection with royalty. The son, Thomas, 
became first Earl of Dorset in 1567, three years after the 
date of this curious document. He was a man of con- 
siderable literary attainments, and these priests were thus 
called upon to testify to the respectability and position of 
these relatives of the Queen, who had driven them from their 
own country to seek for liberty of conscience in Rome, 
and of one who subsequently had officially to announce to 
1 EPiscopal Succession, i. p. 87. 



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Mary Queen of Scots the sentence of death passed upon 
From the year 1565 to the erection of the Hospice into 
the English College in 1578 the office of Custos was held in 
turn by many of the exiled priests. Dr. Clenock was 
succeeded in 1566 by Henry Henshaw, the old Rector of 
Merton College, Oxford. He was succeeded the following 
year by Edward Tailer, with Mr. Henshaw and Dr. Clenock 
as the two Councillors. In 1568, Thomas Kirton with Dr. 
Morton, the Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and 
Dr. Daniel, the exiled Dean of Hereford, were the officials 
elected, and they were re-elected for a year or so as either 
Governors or Councillors. In 1576 the name of Alan Cope 1 
appears for the first time in the list of those having rooms 
in the Hospice, and he became one of the two Councillors 
in 1577, remaining in office the following year. Alan Cope 
was a well-known writer. \Vhen he died in 1579 he left 
his books to the English College. Some of these volumes 
inscribed with his name are s"till on the shelves of the College 
Library. For his soul an annual Mass was said in the 
College Church on June 16, his anniversary. 
The inventories, given in the old book of accounts for 
the years 1523 to 1578, contain much that is of archæological 
interest. Some items of information have already been 
quoted. To these may be added one or two not uninteresting 
facts. In 1569, besides the rooms occupied by the exiled 
priests living in the Hospice, there were chambers set apart 
for nobiles and for pauperes. Among the church books, 
there were several :Missals of the Sarum rite. Two were 
apparently Grayles, H de musica fracta," _H with masses, 
hymns, etc.,"_H as well as four other missals for singing." 
In 1576, the Inventory notes the possession of H two new 
Roman Breviaries in 4 to ex typis Plantine" and H Missale 
pulchrum ejusdem Plantine in folio," the gift of Sir Thomas 

1 Alan Cope appears in a list of 1579 as in receipt of a pension of forty 
florins a year from the Spanish Crown as a pensioner of the Duchess Feria. 



THE two names which must always be associated with the 
foundation of the Venerable English College in Rome are 
those of Dr. Owen Lewis and Dr. William Allen. Dr. Lewis 
had been a scholar of \Vinchester and a graduate of New 
College, Oxford. At the beginning of the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth he was forced to exile hinlself from England for 
conscience' sake. He took up his abode at Douay and 
becan1e Regius Professor of Law at the University and 
subsequently Archdeacon of Cambray. He fully entered 
into the views of Dr. \Villjam Allen, and helped him in 
the establishment of the SenlÌnary for the training of priests 
for the English Mission. Dr. Owen Lewis was a man of 
sound learning and possessed considerable influence with 
ecclesiastics of all ranks. The Archbishop of Cambray sent 
him to Rome to act as his Proctor in some business, and 
remaining in the Eternal City, he obtained the confidence 
of the Pope and of Cardinal :Morone, the Cardinal Protector 
of the English nation. He lodged at the old English 
IIospice, which he found at that time was serving mainly 
as a refuge for exiled priests. Feeling keenly like Dr. Al1en 
the need for missionary priests in England, he came to the 
conclusion It that it would be of great service to England 
and the Church, if some youths could be lodged with the 
Chaplains of the English Hospice in order to devote them- 
selves to study, since the chaplains although pious were 
old and not addicted to studies of any kind." 1 
The Pope, to whom he eXplained his scheme in con- 
junction with Dr. Allen, then on one of his visits to Rome, 
fully entered into it, and desired to have students sent by 

1 MS. Vatican 3494 (written A.D. 1582). 

Dr. Allen from Douayand elsewhere, who should be sup- 
ported out of the revenues of the old Hospital, which were 
left after the maintenance of the Chaplains and the poor 
had been secured. As it at once became evident, however, 
that this residue would not support nlany scholars, the 
Pope determined to help the scheme out of his own purse, 
and set apart also some houses in the vicinity of St. Peter's 
for the reception of the scholars expected from Doua y. In 
these houses, apparently even before the arrival of the youths 
expected from Dr. Allen's seminary in Flanders, Dr. Owen 
Lewis gathered together such young Englishmen as he found 
in Rome at the time who desired to embrace the clerical 
state. 1 
This first beginning must have been sometime about 
1575, since after Dr. Allen's visit to Rome in 1576, the 
further project of utilising the old Hospice and its revenues 
was practically decided upon by the IIoly Father. It was 
alnlost certainly Dr. Lewis who suggested the placing of this 
nucleus of the English Seminary near St. Peter's under the 
care of Dr. Maurice Clenock. a \Velshman like himseìf and 
his very good friend. 
Clenock at this time had been connected with the Hospice 
in Rome for many years. and had held various offices in the 
establishnlent since he was first elected Custos or Warden 
in 1565.2 On the 26th of 
lay. 1576, in which year. as already 
pointed out. the first beginnings of the English Seminary 
were nlade in some houses near St. Peter's. Dr. Clenock 
was again chosen \Varden of the IIospital. and he held that 
office also the next year. \Vhen, therefore, the more 
ambitious project of taking over the buildings of the old 
Hospital and utili sing them for the students expected from 
Doua y was placed before the Pope by Dr. Owen Lewis. his 
friend Dr. Clenock, as \VTarden of the Hospice. was naturally 
the man who could assist the schenle or inlpede it. He 
was the master of the house. and some of the students who 
first arrived in Rome from Douay were lodged in the old 
English Hospice itself. In this second year of Dr. Clenock's 
office as \Varden-1577--roonls are found assigned in the 

1 Acts oj Visit., 1738-9, Art. I. 
Z At'chives, lib. 33, p. 63. 



old account book 1 of the establishment to Mr. Askew, :Mr. 
Ball, Mr. Holt, l\h. Lowe and :Mr. Mush-all of whonl 
according to the Douay Diaries were at this time sent off 
by Dr. Allen to begin their work in Rome as students. 
Dr. Allen, so intimately connected ",ith the beginning 
of the College, is of course the wen-known founder of the 
Seminaries of Douay and RheÌIns, the future Cardinal. 
He had been an Oxford man, a Fellow of Oriel and Principal 
of St. :Mary's Hall. His zeal for the Faith and his Catholic 
spirit made it impossible for him to accept Elizabeth's 
religious settlement, and so going abroad in 1561 he settled 
at Louvain. In 1567 he came to Rome as a pilgrim, where 
he found many English refugee priests living in the old 
English Hospice, with Dr. Edmund Taylour as "Varden 
and Clenock and Henshaw as Councillors. Returning to 
the Low Countries, and being impressed with the instant 
need of priests in England, with the help of rnany ell1inent 
divines he comlllenced the Seminary at Douay in 1568. 
"Vhen the project of establishing a similar College in Rome 
seemed likely to succeed, he came to Ronle and agreed, at 
the Pope's request, to send some Douay students to begin 
the work. In the year 1577, immediately upon Allen's 
return home, ten of these started for Rome. Their names 
as given in the Douay Diaries are "Villiam Holt, :Martin 
Array, Edward Rishton, Ralph Sherwin already priests, 
and John Askew and William Harrison deacons; with 
Thomas Bell, John :Mush and John Lowe unordained students. 
Shortly after the first alUllzni had left Doua y, the elninent 
scholar Dr. Gregory :Martin set out also for Rome to help, 
as the writer of the DOllay Diary remarks, the new Estab- 
lishment It tam adjulllento qumll ornamento." On his 
arrival in Rome, Dr. :Martin was elected one of the Chaplains 
of the old Hospice and was lodged there. 2 Certainly his 
name is one that honours the old place by being connected 
with it, although his stay was only brief. He was a scholar 
of St. John's College, Oxford, taking his degree of :M.A. in 
1565. In 1570 for conscience' sake he fled abroad, and 
coming to Douay and being ordained in 1573, he was 
1 I. pp. 26-7. 
2 Archives, lib. 33. Account Book 1577. 

appointed lecturer in the University on Hebrew and Holy 
Of the ten students who in this first year came to Rome, 
the first to be sent to England as a missionary priest was 
John Askew, who had COllle from Douay as a deacon. He 
was the first priest to be ordained at the College, and he left 
in 1579-" primus ex Anglorum Collegio de Urbe." 1 The 
Annual Letters of the English College 2 has the following entry 
in regard to hhn: ":May.-During the saIne year (1579) in 
the month of :May, we sent fronl this College into England 
the Rev. John Askew, an English priest and divine. The 
Rector took him to Tusculum, where he was most graciously 
received by His I-Ioliness, who besiùes granting him several 
indulgences and pious gifts, furnished him v..-ith funds for 
his journey. This is the first labourer our College has sent 
into the English vineyard." 
It will be of interest to set down what happened in regard 
to the rest of the first students who came from Douay and 
became the foundation stones of the Roman College. 
Fr. William Holt joined the Society of Jesus and became 
the Rtctor of the College in 1586. 
iartin Array departed 
for the English Mission in 1580, and having suffered im- 
prisonment for his faith, at length "had favour to be 
banished." Edward Rishton went to England in the same 
year, 1580, and being captured as a seminary priest, 
was tried and condemned to death at the same time as 
Fr. Edmund Campion. He was, however, reprieved and 
banished. He wrote the valuable" Diary of Events in the 
Tower of London," the supplement to the Roman edition of 
Sander's History of the English Schism. 
The next in order, Fr. Ralph Sherwin, became the proto- 
martyr of the English College, being executed for his religion 
with Fathers Campion and Briant at Tyburn in 158r. 
\\ïllianl Harrison, who canIe to Rome as a deacon, went to 
England in 1581 with forty-six other lllissionary priests, 
thirteen of whom subsequently suffered martyrdom. He 
himself escaped with his life, but is said to have been im- 
prisoned for his faith. Thomas Bell was originally a convert 
to the Faith, and having been ordained in Rome, left for 
1 Douay Diaries, i. p. 26. Z Foley, Records, etc., vi. p, 67' 



England in 1582. He was seized on landing in the country, 
and after enduring nluch in prison, unhappily fell away 
and became a Government spy and a bitter anti-Catholic 
controversialist. IIis companion, John :Mush, reached 
England in 1583. He worked strenuously in the north of 
England, and was regarded as a prudent and learned man. 
He wrote several controversial books, including one against 
the apostate Bell, his old companion in Rome. Finally 
John Lowe, having been ordained priest by Bishop Goldwell 
in 1582, left for the :Mission the following year. He received 
the martyr's crown at Tyburn on October 8, 1586. 
But to return to the story of the early beginnings of the 
College. The first colony dispatched by Dr. Allen from 
Douay was added to in 1577 and in the following year, 1578, 
until by May 26 of the latter year Dr. Gregory Martin was 
able to write from Ronle saying, that twenty-six theological 
students from Douay were living either in the Hospice or 
in the house next door, with which there is internal 
communication. He adds: It two fathers of your society 
(Jesuits) are there by command of the Pontiff and at the 
request of Cardinal l\Iorone, the Protector. They super- 
intend the studies and the foundations of the new establish- 
luent may be considered to be well laid. The Pope assigns 
thell1 at present a fixed pension of 100 crowns a month. 
Our friend Bristow is expected at Rome before l\1ichaelmas 
to give the benefit of his experience and also to help the 
seminary." 1 
The actual course of events in these early years of the 
English College is somewhat obscure. It is generally assumed 
that Dr. Owen Lewis obtained the appointnlent of Dr. 
:Maurice Clenock as first Rector of the College, partly because 
in 1578 he was the actual Warden of the old Hospice. But 
the fact is that although Dr. Clenock held that office in the 
years J576 and 1577, at the election held by the fraternity 
on May 17, 1578, !\'Ir. Henry Henshaw was chosen by the 
brethren in his place. 2 It is inlpossible not to suspect the 
reason for this nlove on the part of the old members of the 
Hospi tal. Their wish was to safeguard their own vested 
interests, which seemed threatened by the new foundation 
1 Douay Diaries, i. Ap. 316. 2 Archives, lib. 33, sub an. 1578. 


in their old premises. This move, however, appears to have 
hastened the accomplishment of the plans of the Pontiff. 
At any rate, the election of 11r. Henshaw in his place as 
\-Varden nlust have placed Dr. Clenock in a very difficult 
position, for with the students actually living in the old 
Hospice buildings and in the house next door, the place 
itself and all its corporate property was no longer under 
his n1anagement, but under that of the new Warden, Mr. 
It is not dit1i.cult to conjecture that since Dr. Clenock 
was the \-Varden of the Hospice, when the project oi 
utili sing it for the new College was first mooted by Dr. Lewis 
and approved by the Pope, he would naturally have been 
regarded as the best man to continue to rule the establish- 
nlent when the students canle to live there. At any rate, 
beyond the fact that it was subsequently stated by Dr. Allen 
that the choice of Dr. Clenock was nlade by Dr. Owen Lewis, 
there does not appear to have been any formal appoint- 
ment of the actual \-Varden as first Rector. It is easy to 
conjecture, therefore, that the brethren of the Hospice, not 
wishing to be disturbed in their possession of their old 
house, and probabJy considering that Dr. Clenock was 
conlmitted to the contenlplated changes, thought to save 
themselves by not again electing Dr. Clenock in 1578. 
During 1578, although Dr. Clenock was no longer the 
head of the Hospice, he continued to be Rector of the students. 
His position could not have been an enviable one, as his 
authority over the buildings and property of the establish- 
ment had ceased with the election of his successor as \-Varden. 
The main work of the College was done, according to the 
suggestion of Dr. Allen hinlself and the special wish of the 
Pope and the Protector, Cardinal :Morone, by two Jesuit 
fathers. Dr. Allen, it is well to renlember, was a great 
advocate for securing the help of the Jesuits in the new 
undertaking, and in October 1578 he wrote to Fr. :Mercu- 
rianus, the General of the Society, thanking him in the 
warmest terms for having pemlitted his fathers to under- 
take the charge of the students, and expressing his earnest 
wish that the arrangement might be a lasting one. 1 
1 Tierney's Dodd. ü. Ap. ccclxxiv. 



It is certainly abundantly clear that Dr. Allen had 110 
belief in the capacity of Dr. Clenock as the ruler of the 
College. In fact, as he subsequently says, he thought 
Dr. l.ewis's choice a n1istake. He is quite clear about this, 
and adds that others at Douay agree with him. It Right 
sorry we were," he writes, (( of the error that :Mr. Maurice 
(Clenock) was made Rector, and gladly would have had, 
if the Jesuits might not or would not have been, rather 
Dr. Bristow" For that both his quality was excellent and 
his person graceful and he was a divine, which had been more 
fit than one of another profession; 1 besides the country, 
which you know many respect, how well and wisely I do 
not say. Therefore that he or smne other like was not 
chosen or first appointed at the beginning, it was as I told 
you an error: the rather noted because Mr. Maurice being 
otherwise a very honest and friendly nlan and a great 
advancer of the students and seminary's cause, which was 
no fault in you (i. e. Dr. Owen Le'wis). I dare be bold to say, 
but yet an escape and default in managing the affair, be- 
cause you did not dehort Mr. :Maurice from taking upon 
him the charge in the beginning for which indeed no dis- 
honour be it unto him, he was not sufficient." 2 
Towards the close of the year 1578 there would appear 
to have been some difficulty about the property of the old 
Hospice and its management, which, as already pointed out, 
in :May of this year, by the action of the brethren of the 
Institution, had been taken out of the hands of Dr. Clenock 
and vested in those of Mr. Henry Henshaw as their elected 
Warden. Before the year closed, however, this unsatis- 
factory state of affairs had been brought to an end by the 
Supreme pontifical authority. Fr. Parsons writes at the 
end of the year: It ,At Christmas a brief came out from the 
Pope's Holiness commanding all the old Chaplains to depart 
within fifteen days and assigning all the rents of the 
Hospital unto the use of the seminary, which was presently 
obeyed by the said priests." 
The original of this Brief of Pope Gregory XIII apparently 
does not exist at present, but that it was issued cannot be 

1 Dr. Clenock was a Professor of Laws. 
Z Letters and Mems. of Cardinal Allen, p. 79. 


doubtful, and there is another reference to it in a letter 
written by Dr. Gregory Martin on February 18, 1579, to 
Fr. Campion from Rheims : II \Vith regard to public matters," 
he writes, II it is worthy of eternal memory that the Sovereign 
Pontiff Gregory XIII has lately confirmed the seminary 
at Ronle which has been growing up for more than two 
years since its excellent beginnings. There are in it at the 
present 1110ment forty-two of our students, most of whom 
are divines, one Rector, three fathers of your Society and 
six servants. They live in the hospital and the adjoining 
house. The revenues of the hospital having been transferred 
to the sen1Ìnary, except what is required for the entertain- 
ment of pilgrims." 1 
Christmas 1578 may therefore be taken as the date when 
the old corporation of the English Hospice in Rome came to 
an end by the transfer of its property to the new CoHege. 
and :Mr. Henry Henshaw may be regarded as the last Warden 
of the old establishment. Dr. Owen Lewis obtained from 
the Pope for each of the six chaplains and for l\1r. Henshaw 
adequate pensions on vacating their old quarters. 2 
The first beginnings of the College were not tranquil. 
Early in 1579 grave internal difficulties arose in the admin- 
istration. It seems to be admitted on all hands that Dr. 
Clenock was a most incompetent ruler, unsuited for the 
difficult post of Rector. He had been placed in his position, 
partly, as already pointed out, by reason of his occupying 
the post of Warden of the old Hospital at the time, but 
mainly through the influence of his powerful friend and 
fellow-countryman, Dr. Owen Lewis. It must be allowed 
in his defence that he had a very delicate position as the 
Head of a College mainly directed by members of the Society 
of Jesus. These fathers were naturally not entirely under 
his jurisdiction, and had been placed in their offices by the 
Supreme authority of the Pope hinlself. It is, however, 
-right to say that in these early troubles, the fathers appear 
to have acted with great pnldence, and so far as can be 
gathered from the original documents had nothing whatever 

1 Douay Diaries, i. Ap. 319. The Pope's bull erecting the College was 
dated May 7. 1579. Archives (orig.), memb. (lib. v. p. 283, lib. 242, copies). 
2 Tierney's Dodd. iii. Ap. ccclxiv. 

7 0 


to do with the beginning of the troubles, nor with the final 
solution of the difficulties, which has been thought to throw 
some suspicion on their motives. 
National rivalry and jealousy seems to have been the 
initial cause of the disorders which broke out among the 
students in I579. The English students, who formed the 
majority-being thirty-three out of forty-considered that 
they were unjustly treated by the Rector, who being \Velsh 
hinlself, unduly favoured the seven \Velshmen. They 
regarded Dr. Clenock and his friend and adviser Dr. Owen 
Lewis, also a \Velshman, as being violent partisans. They 
conlplained that the \Velsh were a quarrelsome and uncouth 
set, with whonl it was impossible to live in peace. The 
Rector, they declared, gave each Welshman a room to 
himself, while the English had to be content with the 
narrowest corners. The \Velshmen were made comfortable 
in the winter with new and warm clothing, whilst the 
English had only their old torn sumnler cassocks. The 
docunlent which the English students presented to Cardinal 
Morone the Protector, does not mince matters, but declares 
the rule of the \Velsh Superior and Dr. Owen Lewis" in- 
tolerable," and the memorialists end by dedaring that they 
would rather leave the Seminary than submit to such tyranny 
and oppression. 1 
In February 1579 the students broke out into open 
mutiny. They sent deputations to the Pope and to Cardinal 
Morone denlanding the instant disn1Ìssal of Dr. Clenock, 
and petitioning that the Government of the College should 
be placed in the hands of the Jesuits. The Cardinal Pro- 
tector and subsequently the Pope sternly supported the 
authority of the Rector, and told the malcontents either to 
obey his authority or to leave the College. The students 
were obdurate. The Cardinal lost his temper, threatened 
them with imprisonment and whipping, and finally told them 
" abire in malam crucem "-to go and be hanged. 
The students remained firnl in their deternlÌnation never 
to submit to Welsh rule, and declared their determination 
to return to England and beg their way thither, rather than 
continue their present impossible life at the English College. 
1 Archives, lib. 304, printed in Tierney, ii. Ap. cccxlvi. 

Meanwhile there was even danger of bloodshed within the 
College walls. The students wrangled with the Rector in 
the College refectory. "He began at the table," writes one 
of the English Inalcontents, "presently to revile sonle of 
our company with foul words, and (the \Velshmen) preparing 
their knives in their hands to have strucken son1e of those 
that sat next to them. . . . Judge you, what tirne we had 
to look unto ourselves. But if it had not been for the 
common cause and for God's especially, we had been sure 
to have payed (them) for it." 1 
Petitions and counter-petitions to the Cardinal Protector 
and interviews with hinl resulted only in strengthening 
Cardinal Morone's detennination to subdue the rebellion. 
Orders at last came to the College that 
Iartin Array, John 
:Mush, John Gore and Richard Haydock should at once 
swear obedience to Dr. Clenock or lay down their cassocks 
and depart. In case they refused, they were to be sent at 
once to prison. No sooner was this order made known, 
than all the students of the English party declared that they 
would throw in their lot with their four leaders and go out 
of the College with them. 
This brought matters to an issue, and the Jesuit fathers 
connected with the College went to Cardinal Morone and 
begged to be allowed to vvithdraw from their work there, if 
the decree of expulsion was to be carried into effect. This 
he refused to consider until he had consulted the General. 
The proposed scheme of the fathers was that Mr. Clenock 
should nonlinally continue Rector and should have the 
Hospital, but that the students should be entirely under 
their Jesuit teachers. The English expressed thenlselves 
ready to accept this solution, but when the General of the 
Society was approached in regard to it, he expressly forbade 
the Jesuits to meddle in the matter. 
A full and graphic account of what took place was given at 
the time by 
1r. Richard Haydock in a letter to Dr. Allen. 2 
From this, the main facts of the sequel to the story are 
known. Tuesday 
Iarch 3 was Shrove Tuesday, and Dr. 

1 Mr. Richard Haydock to Dr. Allen (Tierney's Dodd. iii. Ap. cccliv). 
2 J_etters a'zd i'IIerns. of Cardinal Allen, p. ï4 (printed from Tierney, 
ii. Ap. cccl . 

7 2 


Clenock informed the English at dinner time in the refectory 
that they were to leave the College that night. But as supper 
had been prepared for all, in fact they did not depart that 
day, and in the afternoon six of them went to try and see 
the Pope to present him with another Inemorial and get 
his blessing before leaving. By chance they caIne upon the 
Holy Father in St. Peter's, but he would barely speak to 
theIn, calling them ejecti, and adding "si non potestis obedire, 
recedatis," whereupon, says Richard Haydock, "we requested 
his benediction and he lifted up his hands and blessed us; 
whereat his countenance changed wonderfully. We left our 
supplication," says the narrator, "with him and departed 
for that night, coming away to the hospital. We remained 
there that night." 
The next day was Ash \Vednesday, and early in the 
morning thirty-three English students marched in a body out 
of the College. They went to the house of an Englishman 
named John Creed, where they dined. Their action dis- 
concerted those who had been opposed to them, since they 
never believed that they \vould carry matters so far. The 
students, however, appeared cheerful enough and declared 
that they would go in procession with a cross before them to 
RheÌIns, or if need be to England. "In very deed," says 
Haydock, "we were fully appointed of departing, thirty-three 
in company; having nothing in the world to bear our charges. 
Yet no Inan, from the highest to the lowest, was anyway 
discomforted. . . . Mr. Archdeacon (Dr. Owen Lewis) denied 
to give one penny to any." So the students paraded the 
streets of Rome, going from church to church asking ahns. 
On that Ash Wednesday (March 4), "the first day of preach- 
ing," the Jesuit Fathers without naming them asked help 
for their special case, and those who knew them at College 
interested many in them and quickly provided a sum of 
money Inore than sufficient to Ineet their immediate needs 
or for those of their journey. 
"But God provided for us otherwise. . . . The answer 
unto our supplication unto the Pope was, that we should come 
to kiss his foot before we departed; which we were glad of 
wonderfully and proposed that, before we should depart; 
Ineaning to defer it a day or two, for fear we should seem 

importunate." They employed the delay in making friends 
with the Cardinal Protector and some other Cardinals his 
friends in order to assure His Holiness as they say" that we 
departed not of any obstinacy or Inisliking, but only moved 
by our conscience: meaning for ever to remain in due obedi- 
ence unto the See Apostolic and all our Superiors." Whilst 
this plan was being carried out, a Inessenger arrived at the 
Hospital bidding the malcontents go to the Pope at once. 
I t was said that they had already gone, but the father was 
told to find them and let them know at once. This" the 
father did not slacken to do; and, finding one in the streets 
by him called the rest. . . who, going to the house where 
we had dined and finding sixteen or seventeen there, went 
immediately unto the palace not knowing what was fore- 
warned. " 
" They, kissing His Holiness's foot began to request His 
Holiness's blessing, before they departed. And here the 
Inost Blessed Father in the world, whereas they were in 
doubt what he would do, began to burst into tears, and asked 
-' and are you then gone out of the seminary?' They 
answered, 'Yea:' and he said-' Why would you go out 
unknown to me, or not telling Ine before?' They answer 
, that the Cardinal had twice in his name commanded us.' 
And he asked whither they Ineant to go? And they told 
him, some into England, those that were fit, being priests 
and n1any others divines. 'Why' said he, 'be they so 
young, divines?' (meaning Christopher Owen, Pitts and 
GratIey). And they answered, 'Yea,' and all the rest 
philosophers and logicians alike. Said he: 'Why would 
you depart fron1 Rome, where good manners and religion and 
learning is to be gotten ? You must not in any wise depart, 
but you shall go home again, and have what you desire.' 
" Which when they heard him speak so heartily they all 
fell weeping very fast, that they were heard to sob and 
could scarce speak unto him and he to them. And he 
asked them where they had dined? And they told him 
where, and how we prepared our dinner with our own hands; 
and that others of the company were going about the town, 
providing for our meat and viaticum to depart with. And 
he said: 'You should have come to me first for your viati- 



cum. But go home again, and give me the names of some of 
your countrymen; and you shall have one of them: for this 
you shall have no longer.' And so kissing his foot again, 
with such joy that is not possible to express, they departed. 
H And as they were going, he asked, if ' they would not one 
of his chamberlains to go home with theIll?' And they said 
'yes,' because they were not sure that Mr. Maurice (Clenock) 
would credit them: and so he rung his bell for one of them, 
whOIll he sent with them unto our house." 
The following day, March 5, the students presented to 
the Pope the names of two Englishmen then in Rome since 
they feared to name others who were elsewhere, for fear that 
if they had to wait Dr. Owen Lewis might find a means of 
defeating their object. The two names the students sug- 
gested were Dr. Morton, a refugee priest from England, 
formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, who had long 
been living in the old Hospice, and Dr. Bernard, also a priest 
in exile for his religion. It was made quite clear by certain 
Cardinals both to Dr. Owen Lewis and to Dr. Clenock, that 
the Pope was determined to make great changes in the College, 
and the last efforts of the two \Velsh friends were to try and 
secure the office of Custos of the Hospital for the latter. 
II That is it, that they aim at," writes Haydock, "and that 
is it, we meddle nothing with, but in order to our seminary: 
for, if he get it as like he shall, it will be, at the least, five 
hundred crowns a year, close unto our seminary." He adès 
that Dr. Owen Lewis" would make us believe that he pro- 
cured our return again. But we know he had appointed 
to have set, or to have taken himself the house we dwell in, 
and had appointed lrishIllen and Scottishmen in our places." 
The strife was at end before Easter 1579. Neither Dr. 
Morton nor Dr. Bernard was nominated to the Rectorship, 
nor did the retired Rector, Dr. Clenock, get the Wardenship 
of the old Hospice, as the English students thought he would. 
A pension was provided by the Pope for him; but what 
became of him is not certain. He disappeared from Rome, 
and according to one account he was drowned at sea in 1580, 
whilst on a voyage to Spain. 1 
:Meanwhile by Easter the College was placed by the Pope 
1 Dict. oj Nat. Biography. 

under the care of the Jesuits, which was the original solution 
suggested by the English students. The first entry in the 
" Annual Letter of the English College, Rome," is as follows: 
"!\-Iarch-An I579-in the month of March, the most 
Illustrious Cardinal Morone conveyed to the Rev. Fr. Everard 
Mercurianus, General of the Society of Jesus, the command 
of His Holiness, Pope Gregory XIII, to the effect that he 
should undertake the charges and administration of this 
English College, until then directed by the Rev. Maurice 
Clenock. It was out of obedience that he accepted a burden 
which he was Illost unwilling to bear." 1 This would cer- 
tainly appear to have been the attitude of the Father-General 
throughout towards the English College. When the crisis 
was acute and some of the fathers, especially those who had 
been the teachers and advisers of the English students, 
desired to help them as against their then Rector, the General 
expressly forbade them to do so, or in any way to manifest 
their sympathy with the Illovement of the students to get 
rid of their superior. 
Immediately after the Society had taken over the charge 
of the College, Father Agazzari, S.]., was appointed by his 
General the first Jesuit Rector of the English College. When 
this had been done, Father Parsons wrote on :March 30 a 
long letter to Dr. Allen on the whole affair. In it he writes :- 
" Though the issue of this contention hath brought forth 
some good effects for benefit of this new College, which per- 
haps would not have ensued (or at least not so soonc) if th:s 
sharp bickerment had not fallen out, yet have there many 
things passed therein which I could wish had been undone, 
or at least done with some more moderation on all hands, 
and this for the credit of our whole nation. 
" Touching :Mr. Morrice (Clenock) his Government, I think 
verily and do partly know also that it was insufficient for 
such a mu
titude; and how could it be otherwise, he being 
alone without help and never practised in such a Illanage 
before? The schollers alsoe were very evil provided for 
necessaries, sometimes going all ragged and in worse case, 
some of them at least (and those of the principal) as I have 
seen with mine eyes. National partialities also in distribu- 
1 Foley, Records, etc., vi. p. 67. 

7 6 


tion of things I think was not so carefully avoyded as ought 
to have bin. Yet could I have wished the schollers to have 
dealt more moderately for redresse, if it might have bin, 
and at least I would the difference between Welsh and English 
had not bin so often named, or so n1uch urged here aIllong 
strangers. . . . But who can stay young men or ould eyther, 
once incensed on both sides by national contentions? You 
know what passeth in Oxford in like occasions." 
The writer then presses Dr. Allen to come at once to Rome 
to assist in "the pacifying of grudges between the two 
nations, seeing Mr. Dr. Lewis is your great friend." Also 
Father Parsons hopes that he n1ay induce the General of the 
Society to send some of the fathers to labour with the other 
priests on the English Illission on which many wish" to 
adventure their blood." 1 
Dr. Allen could not come to Rome at once, but on May 12, 
1579, wrote fully and frankly on the recent troubles and their 
settlement to his old most dearly beloved friend Dr. Owen 
Lewis. In this and other letters he does not conceal his own 
great pleasure that the main result of the Illutiny, which 
otherwise he deplores, has been to place the fathers of the 
Society in full possession of the College. " The committing 
the house to the Society," he says, " was all our desires and 
right sorry we were of that error that Mr. 
1:aurice was made 
rector, and gladly would have had, if the Jesuits might not, 
or would not have been, rather Dr. Bristow. . . . That he 
or some other like was not chosen or first appointed at the 
beginning, it was as I told you an error." 2 
As already noted, in the opinion of some of the English 
students, Dr. Clenock desired to continue 'Varden of the old 
Hospice, after he had been called upon to surrender the rector- 
ship of the Seminary to Father Agazzari. It was not till the 
August of this year 1579, that the matter was finally settled 
in favour of the College. The Annual Letter under August 
has this entry: " In the month of August the Most Illustrious 
Cardinal Morone waited upon His Holiness concerning the 
Church of the Most Holy Trinity and St. Thomas (of Canter- 
bury) hitherto administered by the Rev. Maurice Clenock 
Warden of the Hospital of the English Pilgrims. He ob- 
I Letters and Mems. of Cardinal Allen, pp. 74-5. Z lb., pp. 78-9. 

tained leave that the use property and administration of the 
said church should be assigned to this College of English 
scholars. We have therefore taken possession of the church, 
with its furniture and sacred vessels, the catalogue of which 
is kept in the College. JJ 1 
Before this, however, the College had been granted full 
possession of the property of the Hospice by the Pope, 
although the execution of the transfer was delayed for SOllle 
time. On April 23,1579, His Holiness Gregory XIII signed 
the bull which canonically founded the English College, 
but owing to some practical difficulties, and the attitude of 
the members of the old corporation, the document was not 
published until the 23rd of December of the year following, 
In this document the Pontiff begins by stating the 
motives and object of the new foundation. He has renlem- 
bered the claims of England on the attention of the Holy See: 
he has seen its youths flying from persecution in their own 
country to seek instruction in Rome; and he has determined 
to assist them in their holy purpose, to provide for them the 
Illeans of education and thus to qualify theIll for the arduous 
and important duty of declaring the truths of rel
gion to 
their deluded countrymen. With this intention, therefore, 
he erects a College in the Hospital of St. Thomas, wherein 
not less than fifty English students shall be constantly 
educated in whatever Illay tend to fit them for the exercise 
of the sacred Illinistry. For their residence, he gives to them 
the hospital and two contiguous houses, hitherto occupied 
by the chaplains or brethren of the establishment and the 
Church of the 
Iost Holy Trinity and St. Thomas: for the 
support of the College, Rector and students he endows it 
with all the property, houses and goods Illoveable and im- 
Illoveable hitherto belonging to the ancient Hospital, and he 
bestows on it an annual pension of six thousand crowns. 
Further he exempts the College thus constituted from the 
payment of all taxes and places it immediately under his own 
jurisdiction. Having invested it with all the privileges of a 
University, the Pope appoints Cardinal Morone the Protector, 
through whose intervention whatever difficulties the new 
1 Foley, Records, etc., vi. p. 67. 

7 8 


Institution may encounter, may be adjusted. Finally the 
Holy Father directs that each student before being admitted 
to the College should take an oath to lead a life befitting the 
clerical state and declare his readiness to return at the will 
of superiors to England and there labour for the good of 
With this Bull of Pope Gregory XIII the foundations of 
the Venerable English College were securely laid. The date 
-December 23, Is8a-when the Bull of Foundation was 
published is thus noted in the College Annals: U A.D. 1580, on 
the 23rd of Decelnber, to the praise and glory of the Most 
Holy Trinity and of St. Thomas the Martyr was expedited 
the Bull of the Foundation of the College, which though it 
was granted by Pope Gregory XIII in April last year, did 
not reach our hands before the above date, and in which as 
besides Inany faculties and spiritual and temporal favours 
all the goods of the English Hospices were united with the 
College. \Ve received possession of them on the 29th of 
December which is dedicated to St. Thomas the Martyr and 
although it does not explicitly appear in the Bull yet the Pope 
declared by word of Inouth that this College was bound to 
receive and maintain the English pilgrims according to the 
statutes of the said Hospice. This Bull has been deposited 
in the College Archives." 1 

1 Lib. ii. 12. 




HAVING laid the foundations of the College by his bull, 
Pope Gregory XIII continued to show himself a munificent 
benefactor during the rest of his life. The nUlnber of 
students was originally settled at fifty; but this was soon 
increased. Dr. Allen arrived in Rome on October 12, 1579, 
as he had been urgently requested to do by his friends, ever 
since the first difficulties in the College had been settled and 
the Jesuits had been given charge of the new foundation. He 
had brought with him frOIn Douay four newly ordained 
priests 1 that they Inight finish their studies in the Eternal 
City; but on his arrival he found that the determined 
number of students of the English College was already filled 
up. He, however, applied to the Pope to be allowed to 
place the students whom he had brought with him in the 
esta blishment. 
It On October 13th the most Reverend William Allen," 
says the Annual Letter, It on the Inorrow of his arrival in 
ROIne, went to Tusculum with the Reverend Father Alphon- 
sus, Rector of the College. Having been admitted to an 
audience by His Holiness Pope Gregory XIII, he said that 
the number fifty fixed by His Holiness was already filled 
up, but that he had brought with him from England some 
students, for whose admission to the College he prayed. His 
Holiness answered that he would have none refused, for it 
was his pleasure that every Englishman cOIning to Rome 
should be received into the College if proved capable. This 
he repeated on another occasion to the most Reverend Father 
Allen and to the Rector. The same day on hearing that John 
Pascal, a former pensioner of this College, was unable to pay 
his dues, as his property in England had been confiscated. 

1 Douay Diaries, i. p. 27. 



His Holiness commanded that the said gentleman should 
remain in the College as a student and forgave him all his 
debts." 1 
Dr. Allen wrote to Douay to announce his safe arrival in 
Rome and to say with what great kindness he had been 
received by the Holy Father and by the chief Cardinals. He 
also expressed his gratification at the good spirit he found 
existing in the new College. He was lodged, he says, in the 
SeIninary and had his own table to which he could invite 
whom he wished, the Pope paying all expenses. When he 
first saw His Holiness in the interview above reported, on 
the Pope expressing his pleasure at seeing him, Allen repJied 
that he had come .. to visit the alun1ni of Your Holiness," as 
he had been asked to do. To this the Pope replied, .. Not my 
alumni, Allen; they are yours rather than mine." In the 
same letter Dr. Allen remarks on the great kindness shown 
to him and his party by Cardinal Paleotti, the Archbishop of 
Bologna, who would not allow any of them to remain in an 
inn, but having paid all their expenses already incurred, took 
them to his own palace. To Dr. Ely the -Cardinal, showing 
his house, said: .. This place is a Hospice for the English." 2 
But Allen's journey to Rome was dictated by other 
reasons than his Inere wish to see for himself how the students 
of the College had settled down after the recent troubles. 
He had watched the events from Rheims with an anxious 
heart, dreading that the spirit of discord might perhaps 
spread to Rheims. He looked anxiously for any indication 
of the disease, and as he told Dr. Owen Lewis, he made a 
point of always being present in hall for meals, notwith- 
standing his bad health, in order to hear what was being said. 
He thought he detected in certain letters written from Rome, 
some signs that" the Scottish nation begin to put in for it, , 
and it is reported, he tells Dr. Lewis, .. that you once said 
to Iny Lord of Rosse: 'My Lord, let us stick together, for 
we are the old and true inhabiters and owners of the Isle 
of Britany. These others [meaning the English] are but 
usurpers and mere possessors." 
Such rumours made Allen fear that the turmoil was not 

1 DOHay Diaries, i. p. 158. 
2 Annual Letters, Foley, Records, vi. p. 68. 



entirely at an end: more especially, as he says, one Hughes 
of a bitter, odd and incompatible nature" had written to me 
and to Dr. Bristowe most plainly, that the Jesuits have been 
and shall be proved, the council and counsellors of all these 
tumults. II Allen, though he entirely disbelieved this, was 
much disturbed by the evidence of a still seething discontent. 
I t was reported to him that this same Hughes had said, that 
H the Jesuits have no skill nor experience of our Country's 
state, nor of our men's nature," and that "their trade of 
syllogizing there is not fit for the use of our people. II There 
was much of the same kind and not a few hints that the new 
Jesuit Rector << must be put out." No wonder then if Dr. 
Allen, ill as he then was, was much disturbed in mind, fearing 
to get news of " new and endless stirs." He even told Dr. 
Owen Lewis, that if this goes on " I shall be weary of my life. "I 
SO rather than wait at home, he took his way to Rome to see 
for himself. 
Moreover, by the autumn of 1579, the signs of new 
difficulties became so menacing, that Father Parsons wrote 
begging Allen not to delay his visit, but to come and help to 
make peace. Up to this time the fathers of the Society of 
Jesus had taken no part in the English Mission; and when, 
as one of the obvious results of the Jesuit rule over the 
English College, there came the exodus of Father William Holt 
and three other students to join the Society, and their con- 

equent loss to the English Mission, people began to shake 
their heads and speak of the Jesuits as " putting their sickles 
into other men's harvest, and making use of their position in 
the College to entice their pupils into their own Order." 
Father Parsons was anxious to be able to meet these 
insinuations. He had himself long urged the authorities 
of the Society to send labourers into the harvest in England, 
and he thought Dr. Allen could very probably influence 
the Father-General in this matter. "Perhaps," he writes, 
" you may induce him to joine some of his also (seeing God 
has sent so many into the Society) with our other priests to 
go into England seeing otherwise you and others have written 
that it is much desired by Catholics there." Then after 
saying that he had offered himself for the missions in India, 

1 Tierney. Dodd. ii. Ap. ccc1xx. 




but would gladly go to England instead, he adds: tt But 
whether I go or not, I think the combination of our fathers 
of the Society with our priests of the seminaries is so impor- 
tant a thing and of so great consequence as if your coming 
brought no other thing to pass but this, you would have 
well bestowed your time." 1 
Allen was a sincere friend and admirer of the Jesuits, 
but he saw the danger to the English College if they were 
to be allowed to receive students into their ranks and thus 
take them from the work of the mission for which they had 
come to prepare. He consequently seized on the suggestion 
of Father Parsons to try and secure from the Society helpers in 
the dangerous field of the English Mission. His visit to Rome 
gave him the opportunity of discussing the matter with 
Father Mercurianus, the General. Apparently he did not at 
first carry his point, for some of the heads of the Order were 
certainly against the project and argued that caution was 
necessary, for the risks of life to the missioner in England 
were undoubtedly greater than in India. Some of the con- 
sultors also thought, that the Jesuit fathers would be im- 
mediately suspected of political objects and intrigues, whilst 
others foretold disputes between them and the secular priests 
in the country, which could be settled only with great 
difficulty, since there were no bishops in England. However, 
in the end, it is said to have been Father Aquaviva, subse- 
quently General of the Order, who determined Father Mer- 
curianus to accept Allen's proposal. Aquaviva is even said 
to have offered himself as one of the missioners to England. 
So Allen carried his point. On December 5, 1579, he 
wrote from the English College at Rome to Father Edn1und 
Campion, the Jesuit, then at Prague, telling him how he 
rejoiced in the decision and how he hoped that Campion 
himself would be one of the first to be chosen for the English 
Mission. H The Reverend Father General," he writes, II has 
given in to the prayers of many; the Pontiff, a true father to 
our country, has approved the project, so God cannot but 
bless it." 2 
It was Allen's hope that, thus linked together by a 

1 Letters and II/ems. oj Cardinal Allen, pp. 74-5. 
2 Ib., p. 85. See Simpson's Campion, pp. 97-9. 



common bond of sacrifice, of danger and of martyrdom, the 
Jesuits and the secular clergy might form a solid and united 
body, and that this might serve to consolidate the spirit of 
union between the students and their Jesuit superiors in the 
English College in Rome. \Vith this hope Dr. Allen left 
Rome to return to his work at Rheims. 
Meanwhile the College was constantly growing in numbers, 
and it quickly took a position as one of the first in Rome 
for the excellency of its studies. During Dr. Allen's visit, 
in October 1579, the first public thesis was defended by a 
young college student. The defension embraced the whole 
of Philosophy, and a very young and brilliant scholar named 
Gilbert Gifford, who afterwards, alas! turned out badly and 
was expelled, was the defensor and acquitted himself with 
great credit in the presence of many prelates and distin- 
guished men. This first defension was followed in December 
by a second in which Father Mush distinguished himself 
equally well. 
At first it seemed as if Dr. Allen's hopes for a union of 
hearts between the Jesuit missionaries and their secular 
brethren would be realised. In the April of IS80, Father 
Parsons and Father Edmund Can1pion, II the first of the 
Society of Jesus, whom at the persuasion of the most Rev. 
W. Allen, His Holiness sent into England," left Rome in 
company with five priests from the English College. These 
five were Edmund Rishton, Ralph Sherwin (afterwards a 
martyr), Luke Kirby (likewise a martyr), John Pascal and 
Thomas Bruce. Before leaving Rome, these heroic priests 
II had doubtless originated the custom of the English mission- 
aries going to St. Philip Neri, ere they set out for the scene 
of their passion, that the full zeal and love pent up in that 
burning breast might find a vent and flow over, from him who 
was kept at home, upon those who were to face the foe. 
Therefore," says Cardinal Newman, II one by one, each in 
his turn, those youthful soldiers came to the old man, and one 
by one they persevered and gained the crown and the palm 
-all but one, who had not gone and would not go for the 
salutary blessing." 1 
1 Simpson's Edmund CamPion, new ed., 1896, p. 156. Mr. Simpson 
suggests that the one who failed was John Pascal. 



" They had left one Saint at Rome," writes Mr. Simpson, 
Ie they were to find another at Milan. St. Charles Borromeo 
received our pilgrims into his house and kept them there for 
eight days. He made Sherwin preach before him, and he 
made Campion discourse every day after dinner." "He 
had," says Parsons, "sundry learned and most goodly 
speeches with us, tending to the contempt of this world and 
perfect zeal of Christ's service, whereof we saw so rare an 
exam pIe in himself and his austere and laborious life; being 
nothing in effect but skin and bone, through continual pains, 
fasting and penance; so that without saying a word, he 
preached to us sufficiently, and we departed from him greatly 
edified and exceedingly animated. St. Charles always, 
indeed, showed a partiality for the English exiles. Dr. 
Owen Lewis, the Bishop of Cassano, had been his Vicar- 
General, and William Gifford, afterwards Archbishop of 
Rheims, his chaplain. After our pilgrims' visit he wrote 
to Father Agazzari, the Rector: "I saw and willingly re- 
ceived those English who departed home the other day, 
as their goodness deserved and the cause for which they had 
undertaken that voyage. If, in future, Your Reverence shall 
send any others to me, be assured that I will take care to 
receive them with all charity and that it will be most pleasing 
to me to have occasion to perform the duties of hospitality, 
so proper for a Bishop, towards the Catholics of that nation. 
Milan, the last of June, IS80." 1 The Saint wrote to the 
same effect on March IS of the following year. 2 
In the early years of the foundation the records constantly 
refer with gratitude to the generosity and fatherly care of 
Pope Gregory XIII, whom all loved to call the founder of 
the College. He was ever ready to give money both for the 
support of the students and for their journeys when return- 
ing to England. On one occasion, indeed, Dr. Allen begged 
him not to give so plentifully to some departing priests. He 
always received those who had finished their course in Rome 
before they left, bestowed on them his blessing and spoke 

1 Simpson's Edmund CamPion, new ed., 1896, p. 157. Simpson says 
the original of this letter is at Stonyhurst-sce it printed in Douay Diaries, 
i. Ap. 339. 
2 DoZtay Diaries, Ap. 340. The original is in the College Archives. 



encouragingly to them of their great work for souls in England, 
and gave them special faculties. In 1580, he enriched the 
church of the College by the gift of a piece of the foreann of 
its patron St. Thomas of Canterbury, which had hitherto 
been among the relics in the treasury at St. Mary l\Iajor. 
In November of the same year 1580, he granted a per- 
petual Plenary Indulgence to all who should visit the church 
of the College on St. Thomas's Day and Trinity Sunday. The 
Apostolic Brief for this is still to be found in the College 
Archives. Besides the annual payments made for the sup- 
port of the students from the Pontifical treasury, in 158r 
the Holy Father gave a sum of 2000 crowns to help out a 
deficit, and about the same time he gave to the College the 
Abbey of S. Saviano and the Priory of St. Victoria near 
Piacenza as a perpetual endowment for the establishment. 
The College continued to possess the revenues till 1795, and 
the mass of papers relating to the property in the Archives 
shows the business transacted during that period. 
In his fatherly care, Pope Gregory XIII was ever anxious 
for the health of his students, and so in 1580, after failing to 
find a convenient country house where the students H with 
whom the Roman climate does not agree, might recreate 
themselves," he <I set apart one of his own for the unre- 
stricted use of the students, who have free entrance both to 
the grounds and buildings." 1 Later on, in July 1583, the 
Holy Father sanctioned the purchase of a vineyard outside 
the Porta del Popolo for the recreation of the students of 
the College. It cost 3000 crowns and was paid for out of the 
papal treasury. The season that year in Rome had been 
specially unhealthy and some deaths had occurred among the 
students, so the Holy Father hoped by this most acceptable 
gift to afford fresh air and much -needed exercise to the 
English exiles. 
This same year, 1583, the Pope granted special Indul- 
gences to the Sodality of the Blessed Virgin, which was at 
this time established among the students. He granted a 
Plenary Indulgence on the date of entrance and the same 
when a member left for England or elsewhere, and an In- 
dulgence of a hundred days every time the Sodalists met 
1 Ann
al Letters, Foley, Records, vi, p. 97. 



for spiritual exercises, according to the custom of the 
On April IO, I585, this generous founder and benefactor 
died, and the establishment was soon to learn what a loss 
it had sustained. The entry in the Ann1,f,al Letters says: 
II Besides the usual suffrages for his blessed soul our students 
will keep his anniversary with all due solemnity, that God, 
in consideration of his many benefits to us, may reward him 
with life everlasting. Amen." 1 
The College by this time had secured other benefactors in 
a small way. To the library of the College, for example, 
in the first decade several friends left their books. For 
example, in I578, Alan Cope, the well-known writer, died in 
Rome, and was buried in the church of the English College. 
He had been a Fellow of Magdalen College and a Doctor of 
Laws of the University of Oxford, but in I560, when he saw 
that the Catholic religion would be proscribed in England, 
he withdrew to the Continent, and coming to Rome, took his 
degree in Canon Law and Divinity in the Roman schools. 
The Pope made him a canon of St. Peter's, and on his death he 
left his library to the English College,2 in the church of which 
Masses were said for him on his anniversary till I739, when, 
as there was no fund existing to provide the stipends, the 
obligation was taken off, except in regard to one 
Iass on the 
6th of Septenlber, the day of his death. 3 Some of the volumes 
on the shelves still exhibit his signature. Cardinal Allen, too, 
left his books to the library on his death in I583, and in I5 8 5, 
Bishop Goldwell, so long connected with the old Hospice, 
bestowed in his will many things of value as well as his books 
on the College. His epitaph which was in the old church 
is now in the cloister. In I583, Pope Gregory XIII set aside 
a sum of sixty scudi annually for paying the journeys of 
missionaries of the English College on their return to England; 
and to mention only one other papal benefaction in this 
century, Gregory XIV, in I59I, made a perpetual charge on 
the Dataria of IOO scudi a month for the further support of 
the College, which sum was regularly paid till the time of 
the French Revolution. 

1 Foley, Records, vi. p. 112. :II Chron., June 16, 1579. 
3 Lib. 362 in principio. 



As noted above, in the year 1585 death removed the 
venerable Bishop Goldwell, the last of the old Catholic 
Bishops. He had been connected for such a long time with 
the English Hospice both as Warden and as living there as a 
guest, that it had been one of the griefs of Dr. Clenock, when 
the place was converted into the College, to have to turn 
this venerated man out of his old rooms. "I answered," 
says Dr. Clenock, "that I couldn't and wouldn't either 
permit or take part in this act against the most Reverend 
Bishop and venerable old man, who had been wont to confer 
Orders and administer other sacred rites constantly in our 
church." 1 The Bishop, however, made no difficulty, and 
retired to the house of the Theatines, to which Order he 
belonged. That he had every good wish for the newly 
established English College is shown by the fact that he 
left most of his worldly goods to it. 
Cardinal :Morone, the first Cardinal Protector of the 
College, died in 1581, and Pope Gregory XIII appointed 
his nephew, Cardinal Boncompagni, to succeed him. He is 
known in the records as the Cardinal of S. Sisto, and he 
manifested his interest in the establishment in numberless 
ways. He obtained from Pope Gregory as one of the last 
favours he granted to his foundation, that the English 
students << and others dwelling in this college, might in Lent 
gain all the Indulgences of the Churches of the Stations, by 
visiting the altars of the College Chapel and saying one Pater 
and Ave at each." 
The period from the death of Pope Gregory XIII to the 
end of the century was again not a time of peace in 
the English College. Further disputes between the students 
and their superiors have unfortunately to be recorded-dis- 
putes which were of a serious character and which unjustly 
gained for the young English in Rome the reputation of being 
a turbulent and quarrelsome body. These dissensions are 
of course to be regretted, but it is impossible to pass them 
over without a brief mention in any true account of the 
English College. It is of interest, however, to note that 
since similar disturbances did not take place in other English 
Colleges of a like nature elsewhere, it is fairly evident that 
1 Tierney's Dodd. ii. Ap. ccclxxii. 



the causes must be sought for in something else than in the 
particular national spirit of the English youths who came to 
study in Rome. There is, however, no need, now-a-days, to 
apportion the blame for the outbreak, nor to determine the 
causes which led up to it. 
Notwithstanding the paternal interest of the Cardinal 
Protector and the correct attitude of the Jesuit Rector, 
Father Agazzari, a serious revolt of the students against their 
superiors broke out in 1585" Historians of the Society 
express themselves as certain that the origin of the trouble 
must be sought in the secret machinations of some emissaries 
of the English queen, Elizabeth, whose interest it was to 
wreck the seminary. The names of some suspected agents 
of Cecil and Walsingham are known. Such were Solomon 
Aldred, Thomas Morgan, Gilbert Gifford and Edward 
Gratley, and they certainly had intercourse with some of the 
discontented students. Such men may have had something 
to say in the matter; but we possess more sure evidence as 
to the grievances or the supposed grievances of the students. 
Matters reached such a point in 1585, that Pope Sixtus V 
had to appoint a special commission to cnquire fully into the 
causes of these U stirs" among the students, as they were 
then called. This was composed of two Bishops, one of whom 
was the Bishop of Piacenza, afterwards Cardinal Sega. The 
Visitation is thus recorded in the Annual Letter: U In 
August, by order of His Holiness Sixtus V, a Visitation of 
this College was held by the most Revd. the Bishops of 
Piacenza and Castra, with their respective coadjutors. . . . 
They began with the Chapel, the sacristy and the relics, and 
examined whatever appertained to the Divine Service. They 
next went through the rooms, the offices and furniture. 
They then passed to the consideration of the rules and usages 
of the College. In auditing the accounts they were assisted 
by an accountant. They questioned every student on 
matters concerning the state of the house. In their report 
to His Holiness they bore witness to the satisfactory state 
of the College, to the general contentment and progress of 
all the students, with but few exceptions. God be praised." 1 
This is, of course, an ex parte statement as to tbe Visita,- 
1 foley, Records, vi. p. Iq. 



tion made by the Rector; but it certainly does not give an 
adequate account of the real state of affairs. The Acts of 
the Visit disclose that there was serious discontent. The chief 
complaints of the students were that the discipline was alto- 
gether too petty and worrying: it was adapted, so at least 
they thought, rather for young children than for youths 
growing into manhood. Further, they complained that the 
Rector showed himself too partial to those students who 
showed any inclination to join the Jesuits, and that he made 
use of his favourites to spy upon the rest. Also, in their 
view, the general system of government, however good in 
itself and for Jesuits, was not suited for the education of 
secular priests, for which the College had been founded. 
Their request to the Visitors was that they might have as 
Rector a secular priest and an Englishman, who would be 
able to understand the character, customs and feeling of 
the English. In this, they were strongly supported by 
Cardinal Sandori, then the Cardinal Protector of Scotland. 
At this juncture the Pope, Sixtus V, apparently sum- 
moned Dr. Allen to Rome, and he was also pressed by several 
of his Jesuit friends to come forthwith and give his advice 
as to the situation at the English College. 1 So, although 
very unwell, Allen determined to attempt the journey, and 
reaching Rome on November 4, took up his abode at once 
in the English College. He was destined to remain in the 
Eternal City for the rest of his life, taking part in the re- 
vision of the Sacred Scriptures and becoming one of the 
chief counsellors of the Holy See in the government of the 
On studying the affairs of the English College and in 
view of the discontent manifested at the time of the Visita- 
tion, Dr. Allen advised the Pope <l that an English Rector 
should be given to the Englishmen." This was sound 
advice and was immediately acted upon, and provisionally 
Father William Holt, a former student of the College, who 
had joined the Society, was appointed Rector in place of 
Father Agazzari. After six months he was succeeded by 
the celebrated Father Parsons, and he again in 1589 by 
Father Creswell, who ruled the College till 1593. With 
1 Letters and ..Hems. o} Cardinal 
lllen, lutrotl

9 0 


this change from an Italian Jesuit superior to an English 
Jesuit it was hoped that the difficulties at the College would 
have been surmounted, especially as eight of the dissatisfied 
students were expelled as a result of the Visitation. 
From the Acts of this Visitation some interesting par- 
ticulars about the College at this time may be gleaned. Up 
to IS8S, some thirty-two priests had left the Institution for 
the English Mission, and six students had gone from Rome 
to finish their ecclesiastical studies at Douay. Six priests 
had joined the Jesuits from among the students, and eight 
had died. In this year IS8S, the number of the students 
actually in the College was sixty and the revenue was 4674 
scudi. The concluding words of the Acts say of the students 
generally, " putting on one side their spirit of independence, 
we have heard nothing grave against them, but have seen 
evidence of their modesty, continence and great piety." 
Disgusted by the divisions in the College, Pope Sixtus V 
withdrew the annual subsidy of 3000 scudi, which his pre- 
decessor had given from the papal treasury for its support. 
This forced the authorities to diminish the number of 
students, and the Jesuit fathers attached in various capacities 
to the establishment. There had been eleven fathers, 
seventy students and a number of attendants. To effect 
this change, Fr. Holt was obliged to refuse many applicants, 
so that in IS86 the Jesuits were reduced to six and the 
students to sixty. 
At this period it would appear that the General of the 
Society, who had never been in favour of his subjects 
undertaking the direction of the English College, desired 
to withdraw from it; but Fr. Parsons, who had now suc- 
ceeded Fr. Holt as Rector, opposed this most strenuously 
and carried the day. It might, however, have been well 
and it would have prevented further difficulties, had the 
Father-General persisted in his wish to retire from the 
management of the College. As a fact, there never appears 
to have been a real period of freedom from unrest, and fresh 
and even more serious difficulties arose in IS94, and the 
" stirs" continued more or less acutely for years. 
In IS93, Fr. Alphonsus Agazzari, the old Rector, who 
had since his resignation been holding office at the Gesù, 


[To lace p. 91. 



once more assumed the government of the establishment 
at the wish of Pope Clement VIII and of Cardinal Toleto, 
who in the absence of the Protector Cardinal Gaetani, then 
on a mission to Poland, was acting as Vice-Protector. 1 This 
was generally interpreted as a return to the system of Italian 
Rectors, which had been given up at the advice of Dr. Allen. 
Naturally the English students did not approve of the change 
and agitations began once again, in spite of the exhortation, 
made by Father Agazzari on taking up office for the second 
time, U to subordination and regular observance." After a 
very brief period Father Agazzari retired again and gave 
place first to Father Vitelleschi, subsequently General of the 
Society, and then in :May 1594, to Father Fioravanti, who 
would appear to have been a most incapable ruler of men. 
Even Dr. Barrat, the then Rector of Douay, who was a great 
believer in the Jesuit training of youth, thought this, and 
wrote it plainly to Father Parsons. U The rector (Fioravanti) 
will never be able to rule this place," he says in a letter, 
dated April 10, 1596, from Rome. U Many things I can tell 
you of, that must be amended concerning the College in 
the manner of government, and concerning better corre- 
spondence with the College of Douay, otherwise you will 
never have peace. Trust those that be your true friends." 2 
Cardinal Allen died at the College 3 on October 16, 1594, 

1 A nnual Letters, Foley, Records, vi. p. 118. 
2 Tierney, Dodd, iii. p. 74. 
3 Cardinal Allen's faithful Secretary and Majordomo at the time of 
his death was Roger Baines or Baynes, who, dying in 1623, was buried 
in the English College Church. His monument is still preserved, and his 
epitaph styles him" nobilis Anglus," and states that" Ex testamento 
centum montium loca in pios usus reliquit, prout ex actis d. Michaelis 
Angeli Casi notarii constat." Like his patron the Cardinal, with whom 
he lived within the precincts of the College, he was much attached to the 
Institution. He was born in 1546, and in the reign of Queen Elizabeth 
abjured the Protestant religion and joined Dr. Allen at Rheims. He 
came with him to Rome, and when his master and friend became Cardinal 
joined his household and assisted him at his death. After this he con- 
tinued to live in a house belonging to the College, No. 28, and by his will 
left a burse for the support of a student. Roger Baines, amongst his 
other pious donations, left certain specific objects to the Venerabile. One of 
these is of peculiar interest, although unfortunately it is no longer among 
the treasures of the English College. It was a bronze plaque of Aristotle 
which had an interesting history, to which attention has been caned by 

9 2 


having lived long enough to see the Italian Jesuits once more 
presiding over the English national College. He must also 
have seen, living as he did in the College itself, and having 
constant relations with the inmates, signs of growing dis- 
content, which seemed to imperil the usefulness of the 
College which he had done so much to found. In 1596, 
Father Agazzari again became Rector for the third time, 
apparently as the result of another Visitation of the College 
ordered by the Pope. 
The Report of this thorough examination made by 
Cardinal Sega, who eleven years before whilst Bishop of 
Piacenza had been one of the Visitors, is a very lengthy but 

Dr. Ashby, the Director of the British School in Rome, who furnishes the 
following note. 
II On the back of a drawing of S. Croce in Gerusalemme, by John 
Alexander, made in 171.'), and now in the British Museum (Forty Drawings 
of Roman Scenes by British Artists, pI. I), is tèe folluwing note. II Hanc 
Aristotelis lconem Henricus Angliæ Rex dum Religionem litterasque 
coleret summo tamquam ab ipso Philosopho jam spirante ductam, habuit 
in pretio: litterarum vero pietatisque studio in Anglia collabente earn 
Card. Polus, unicum temporis sui lumen feritatem regis declinans, Romam 
detulit: quæ post aliquot annorum intervallum feliCÌ casu ad Cardinalem 
Alanum, ingens etiam gentis Anglicanæ ornamentum, pervenit, a quo 
dum fato concederet Rogerus Bainesius qui illi turn ab epistolis erat dono 
eam accepit e vivis exiens collegii Anglicani de Prbe Bibliothecæ egregium 
amoris sui reliquit vi Id, Octob, Anno MDCXXIII, MV7}p.oC1'VJlov." 
Dr. Ashby adds: "Compare Hülsen in Rõmische Mitteilungen xvii 
(1901), 178, No. 28. Tabella ænea exhibeno caput anaglyphum viri 
barbati (em. fere 23 X 30) Mutinæ in numophylacio ostendens. 
TnN 4>IAo
Aut idem exemplum est aut alterum simile quod perhibetur oIim ab 
Henrico VIII, Angliæ rege datum Reginaldo Polo Cardinali, deinde per- 
venerat ad Cardinalem Alanum, denique a Rogero Bainesio a (?) 162 3 
donatum Collegio Anglorum in Urbe ubi, servabatur sæc. xviii exeunte: 
D' Agincourt Vat. 9846, f. 9 8 , 
Hülsen wrote me (Dr. Ashby), 7. V. 1911, that he had seen a similar 
Renaissance plaque in the Museo Correr at Venice, with the inscription 
So," concludes Dr. Ashþy, It it cannot be identical with that whiçh was 
once in the English College." 




1) r '" t: ,- 

 \.. J. L... 
 l. '\' -.- }
, '- q ,........ 


From a photograph ot a Bron7c Plaque, oncc the property of thc English Coll('ge 

(R:JI þ:'rm;.ç,çir11l of Ihc Faclllt)' nf Archrrologv, Hi,'nrv '111./ LrltlT<, of Ih,. Rrilish Schon[ al Rome) 



extremely interesting document. 1 At this time the number 
of students was forty-seven, and Cardinal Sega begins his 
memorial by setting forth the names of thirty-seven of these 
II who have taken part in the disturbances " and of the ten 
II who have remained faithfu1." He commences his account 
with the remark that as such disturbances as these, which 
have taken place in Ronle, have never occurred in other 
seminaries directed by the Jesuit fathers, they II cannot be 
accounted for by any defect in its government by the 
fathers or by the native peculiarities of the English char- 
acter." In his opinion the cause is to be sought in the 
influence of certain men, II who have only looked to their 
own interests"; <C whose desire was to make money and 
thus amass riches, and to gratify ambition." II Gladly," he 
adds, <C would I pass over in silence the names of these 
unhappy men, but I am compelled under present circum- 
stances to mention one, whose memory I would fain spare, 
seeing he has departed this life, viz. the late Bishop of 
Cassano," Dr. Owen Lewis. 
It must be confessed that, in view of the documents that 
exist, Cardinal Sega's account of the beginnings of the College 
is, to say the least, inaccurate and quite unfair to Dr. Owen 
Lewis, who was not then alive to speak for himself. In 
view of this, it may be well to say something about one who, 
as already pointed out, may be regarded as jointly with 
Cardinal Allen the founder of the English College. The 
mere fact that St. Charles Borromeo had made Lewis one 
of the Vicars-General of :Milan, that he had him to live in 
his own house, and that the Saint died in his arms, may be 
sufficient to refute the idea that Lewis was a mere worldly 
self-seeker. He was promoted by Pope Sixtus V to the 
bishopric of Cassano in the Kingdom of Naples in 1588, 
but continued to reside in Rome and to be employed in 
various offices of trust by the Pope. From their early days 
at Oxford he and Cardinal Allen were linked together in a 
lasting friendship. The story that he and Allen were rival 
candidates for the Cardinalate, or that he was the secret 
foe of the Jesuits and was, as suggested by Cardinal Sega, the 
fomenter of the rebellion of the English students in the 
1 A translation is printed in Foley, Records, vi. pp. 1-66. 



College, seems to have no better foundation than the mali- 
cious gossip of enemies. That he should be a friend of the 
students was but natural, since after Cardinal Allen's death 
he was the chief English ecclesiastic in Rome. It was but 
natural, also, that the English students should, on the 
Cardinal's death, have desired that the special facuIties for 
England possessed by Allen should pass to Dr. Lewis, the 
representative Englishman. Their petition to this effect 
appears to have been the chief ground of the accusations 
against the good name of Owen Lewis. We may add that at 
his request he was buried in the chapel of the English 
College, and a Latin epitaph was set up to his memory. 
This was only right since he was a great benefactor to 
the College and left by his will 1000 scudi, which the Rector 
received in 1597 and found most useful in paying off a loan 
from the :Monte di Pietà. "And," runs the record, "as 
the said Bishop had bequeathed these thousand scudi on a 
condition mentioned in a letter to the :Most Illustrious 
Cardinal Cusani (his executor), the said Cardinal fixed on 
the College the charge of celebrating one Mass daily for the 
soul of the departed Bishop, and an anniversary service on 
the recurrence of the date of his decease." 1 
To return to Cardinal Sega's report: the main interest 
of the document is the staten1ent of the grievances of the 
students against the College authorities. No doubt there 
were in their midst some who in their after life proved 
themselves wholly unworthy Catholics. Some no doubt 
were unruly and disobedient subjects, but it is wholly 
incredible that three-fourths of their number can have 
been involved in the "stirs" without some cause. 
The Cardinal says: " Among the students at that time 
were some who, because they had taken the degree of 
Master of Arts in the English Universities, claimed pre- 
cedence over their fellow-students, and objected to be 
governed, as they were wont to say, like children." They 
also "imperiously required that the Rector should at 
least have an English colleague." Whilst Cardinal Allen 
lived, his presence and authority were sufficient to stifle 
the ever-smouldering embers of discontent and prevent 
1 Foley, Records, vi. 119. 



outside evil influences from having effect. "No sooner, 
however, had this bright star, whose effulgence had so long 
guided the perilous course of English affairs, disappeared 
from the firmament 1 than new and far more violent storms 
threatened the College with shipwreck. It was the preva- 
lent belief (?) that the hand of the Bishop of Cassano was 
the motive power of this juvenile mutiny. He seems 
throughout the whole course of these events to have had 
aims far higher than those which met the public gaze. 
Certain it is that his partisans in the College, whether of 
their own accord or by the influence of others, took counsel 
for the purpose of raising that prelate to the position which 
the late Cardinal had occupied." 
From the accusations of mismanagement made by the 
students, the Jesuits defended themselves with spirit and 
skill; and it must be confessed that many of these accusa- 
tions appear to be exaggerated and petty. Evidently 
after a patient hearing, Cardinal Sega was wholly on the 
side of the Superiors, and practically dismissing the charges 
against them, sums up the demands of the forty-seven 
English students under two heads. First they ask that 
the administration of the College shall be taken out of the 
hands of the Jesuits, and secondly they beg for secular 
priests as superiors, or else Fathers of the Oratory under 
Baronius. As to the first, the Cardinal Visitor remarks 
that the Jesuits themselves have made the same request 
to the Pope and would be but too willing to get rid of the 
burden. And in regard to the general demands he says: 
H It must not be lost sight of that, as the whole tenor of 
their demands clearly proves, they-the English students 
-are endeavouring to establish a sort of democracy. They 
fancy they are living on their own estates and not on the 
alms of the Apostolic See. Nearly all their demands are 
most prej udicial to the good government of the College." 
Before coming to the conclusion of this somewhat com- 
plicated incident in the history of the English College it 
may be permitted to point out briefly what was really the 
foundation of the difficulties at this time. I t was in the 
main political. The account given by Tierney,2 certainly 
1 Carùinal Allen dicù Oct. 1594. Z Tierney, Dodd. iii. p. 38 n. 

9 6 


no partisan of the Jesuits, seems after a consideration of 
the available documents to be just and correct. It is 
necessary to quote his judgment at some length. H Dodd," 
he writes, H seems to refer all the disputes and dissensions, 
which distinguish the early history of the English College 
at Rome, to the embittered feeling resulting from the 
transfer of that establishment to the hands of a Jesuit 
rector. I am inclined to think this is a mistake. That the 
recollection of the past may have tended to increase the 
subsequent irritation of the disaffected is not unlikely: 
but that the irritation itself derived its origin from other 
causes, that other sources of alienation had been opened, 
and other instruments of discord had been brought into 
action is scarcely susceptible of a doubt. . . . Two parties 
divided the Catholics on the subject of the succession to the 
crown. On the one side were ranged the Jesuits with 
Parsons and others at their head: on the other was a 
considerable number of the secular clergy, with what the 
event will justify us in regarding as the great body of the 
Catholic population of England. Religion we may fairly 
believe to have been the object of both. But the means 
were political: political feelings produced political violence; 
opposition was met with opposition, aggression with equal 
aggression, and a sentiment of mutual jealousy and distrust 
was generated, which still continued to operate, when its 
causes had long been forgotten. At this period, to which 
the present history relates, this sentiment was in all its 
activity, both in England and abroad. Of course the 
College at Rome was not exempted from its influence." 
This is not the place to enter fully into the history of 
these differences. All that it is here necessary to say is, 
that just when various causes of discontent existed among 
the students, and the incompetent government of the 
superiors had led to relaxed discipline and disorganisation, 
the publication of a book by Father Parsons led to the 
outbreak into which Cardinal Sega was sent to enquire. 
Cardinal Allen was already dying when Father Parsons 
issued his volume entitled a Conference about the :AT ext 
Succession. In the second part of this book the author 
tried to show that the appropriate successor for Queen 



Elizabeth was the Infanta of Spain, as a descendant of 
John of Gaunt. The book made a tremendous sensation, 
and the English parliament made it high treason for any 
one to possess a copy of it. Here we are only concerned 
with its effect in the English College. Father Agazzari 
wrote to Parsons that the English students are determined 
to oppose themselves to the design of the Spanish King. 
(( They speak," he says, (( often and despitefully against 
the Book of Succession and against its author-Parsons as 
they suppose-whose name they cannot endure. They 
delight in the failure of the Spaniards as lately at Cadiz; 
and they grieve over their successes as at Calais." 1 Dr. 
Barret, the Rector of Douay, wrote in much the same 
strain in April 1596. (( I find their heads full of false 
bruits and differences betwixt Jesuits and priests in Eng- 
land. Yea, the selfsame faction that is at Brussels, be 
here against the Spaniards and such as take that way." 
Unfortunately the obnoxious book was introduced into the 
College, and it is said that it was proposed to have it in 
the refectory in place of the usual reading, but the lector, 
a young divine named Jasper Lobb, flatly refused. This 
student, Jasper Lobb, was among the number of those sent 
away from Rome to Douay in 1597, by order of the Cardinal 
Protector. He was ordained in the latter place two years 
later. 2 
But to return to Cardinal Sega's Visitation. He gives 
it as his opinion that on no account should the Jesuits be 
withdrawn from the English Mission, as some were sug- 
gesting, and that they should be maintained in their 
government of the English College. In this view he was 
strongly upheld by Dr. Barret of Douay. Writing from 
Rome to his friend Father Parsons on April 10, 1596, he 
says, that he finds (( the causes of these shameful flames 
were in prÙrâs: (that) the scholars were permitted to deal 
in public affairs, for a Cardinal, for facuIties, etc. Wherein 
being persuaded that the Society was of a contrary mind, 
they conceived an indignation and aversion, as though the 
fathers were enemies to them in their cause and their 

1 Tierney, iii. Ap, lxxv. Written in August 1596. 
! Foley, Records, vi. p. 508. 




country. . . . During these troublesome broils, where 
neither study of learning nor exercise of virtue keepeth 
them occupied, no marvel if some young men would will- 
ingly look back to the world and take any occasion to be 
gone with the rest." 
Dr. Barret also says that he had exposed all his views 
to the Pope and had < < lamented their madness, who would 
try and sow dissensions between the J esui ts and the seculars," 
and, as for allowing the fathers of the Society to resign the 
administration of the College, he told His Holiness that the 
<<whole College of Douay, the Colleges of Spain and at 
St. Omer, the priests of England and generally all our nation 
Catholic" were opposed to such a change, except some few 
<< by whose ill counsel these youths were deceived." 1 
The matter, however, was not settled so quickly. Car- 
dinal Toleto, whom the Pope trusted and had sent to 
arbitrate, since in the absence of Cardinal Gaetani he had 
been named Vice-Protector, was inclined to sympathise 
with the students. As one of the accounts hostile to the 
Jesuits has it, he H knew the Society well, being one of 
them." The Cardinal, however, did not live to see the 
conclusion of the affair, as he died in September of this 
year, 1596. This delay kept Dr. Barret in Rome, and on 
the 26th of September he again wrote to Parsons that he 
could not leave till matters were settled. The delay, he 
says, has caused <<these busy-headed fellows" to conceive 
some hope of removing the fathers from the College. 
<<Besides, Father-General [AquavivaJ made suit to His 
Holiness to have the Society delivered of this government." 
As both parties desired the same thing, Dr. Barret 
feared that the removal of the fathers from the College 
might be carried out. This, according to his way of thinking, 
would have been the ruin of the College, and he implored 
the Holy Father not to consent to the retirement of the 
Jesuits, and << thus sacrifice the true interest of the English 
College to the small knot of turbulent youths, who set 
themselves up against the Society and against the other 
Colleges." At the end of his audience, the Rector of Douay 
assured the Pope that in this opinion U he had expressed 
1 Tierney, iii. Ap. p. lxxiii. 



the general feeling of the entire Church of England, as well 
as his own." 1 
Nearly a year before-on December 8, 1595-Dr. Barret 
had written to the General of the Jesuits in the name of all 
the professors of Douay on the subject of these miserable 
disputes. Cardinal Sega quotes from this letter in his 
Report. The professors of Douay through their Rector 
claim to speak the mind of the English generally when they 
deplore the intention of the Father-General to surrender 
the care of the Roman College. They close a stirring appeal 
to him not to do so with the following words: It Call to 
mind that the other seminaries, whether in Spain or here 
in Belgium, are committed to your piety and fidelity. 
Consider our own (i. e. Douay) which cannot long subsist 
without your patronage and concurrence. Wherefore, 
then, most kind Father, will you forsake us, to whom will 
you abandon us in our helplessness? Who else but you 
labours with us in the English Mission? If you resign the 
task of training our young men, where are we to look hence- 
forth for workers? To whom can we send our students, 
who for God's sake have given up kindred, country and all 
that makes life worth living? What bitter grief has been 
awakened in the breasts of the good in England at hearing 
of this. On the other hand, how the heretics triumph 
thereat." 2 
Cardinal Sega finally recommended, as the conclusion of 
his enquiry, a diminution of the number of students. This 
he thought necessary in view of the inadequate means of 
the College; and he added that Dr. Barret, the head of 
the Douay College, was said to be willing to take those who 
may have to leave under this arrangement. Those who 
had to leave, he suggested, should be mainly those who 
have declared that they cannot live in peace under the 
Jesuit rule, which he desires to be continued. In the course 
of his report he notes that, from the time of its first institu- 
tion in 1578 till July last (1595), three hundred and three 
students had been admitted into the establishment. Of 
these, thirty-one had joined the Society, and forty-seven 
were still in the house. Of the remaining two hundred 
1 Foley, Records, vi. Introd. xv. 2 lb., vi. p. 53. 


and twenty-five only ninety-five-Iess than half the number 
-had been sent to England, and out of the thirty who 
joined the Jesuits twenty-five had been sent to labour on 
the English Mission. 
The conclusion of this lengthy Report deals with many 
points of interest in regard to the College life and temporal 
administration. It may usefully find a place in any history 
of the establishment. The Cardinal says: "The yearly 
income of the College consists (r) of the revenues of the 
monastery of St. Saviano at Piacenza, and of the Priory 
united thereto, 3300 scudi; (2) of the rents of certain 
moneys and loan offices belonging to it in Rome; (3) finally 
of certain donations to the amount of 2905 scudi; in all 
6205 scudi." 
The annual charges on the College, whether for the 
interest and pensions which it had to pay, and for the 
expenses of letting or repairing its vineyards, amount to 
308 scudi. The monastery above mentioned has upon it 
a yearly charge of rooo scudi for repairs of the dykes of 
the Po, as we are told, and for other usual expenses, which 
reduces the income of the College to 4900 scudi a year. 
It must be borne in mind, notes the Report, that the 
accounts of the monastery are not kept in Rome, nor are 
they closely balanced, so that it is probable that the College 
was somewhat the loser by this negligent way of keeping 
accounts, as it is not unlikely that a third of the revenues of 
that monastery were swallowed up in current expenses. 
{( I hear from the Fathers," continues the Cardinal, {( that 
the College has on it a debt of 86,425.60 sC., part of which 
consists of interest on moneys borrowed, part in debts con- 
tracted by the yearly needs of the College. The accounts 
are very confused, nor is the present book-keeper one whom 
I should select for that charge. There are no inventories 
or accounts of stores kept in the various offices, especially 
in the store-room or the clothes-room; everything seems to 
be left to the discretion of those in charge." 
The College hired a baker to bake bread, with three 
servants under him, and during the late dearth it may 
perhaps have saved son1ewhat thereby. But now that 
plenty is restored, it is unquestionable that the College 



loses by this arrangement. An examination of the accounts 
of the last year proved that 300 scudi might have been 
saved by getting the supplies from a baker outside. Then, 
too, the custom prevailed in the College of drinking only 
Neapolitan, or, as it was called, di Ripa wine. It would, 
however, so thought the Visitor, be a saving if, during four 
or five months of the year, the students would make use of 
the produce of the Roman vineyards. 
The beasts purchased for the supply of the College were 
usually bought at the Campo Vaccino. This might perhaps 
have been done without any loss to the College if the matter 
had been looked after by men up to their business. cc The 
last year's accounts," he says, cc show that they might have 
supplied themselves more cheaply at the butcher's." Another 
reason of this large expenditure on meat may be that, as 
there is no stint of meat in the house, larger portions are 
given than is usual elsewhere. cc The quantity of cheese 
consumed," he adds, cc seems to me to exceed what the 
numbers require." 
One source of heavy year! y expense to the College was 
that on the days of recreation at the Vigna (once a week in 
spring and twice in summer) dinners were given of many 
courses and to many guests, for the fathers or the students 
often invite externs. The two annual festivals of the 
College are the most Holy Trinity and St. Thomas of Canter- 
bury, on which days musicians are hired at a cost of over 
100 scudi; grand dinners were provided for them, and for 
more than 200 other guests, so that on these days the 
College spent more than 300 scudi. 
The clothes-room was a heavy item in the accounts; 
yet the students grumbled, though they were allowed to 
come and get what they liked, there being no fixed quantity 
allotted to each. 
Another heavy and useless outlay was feeding and 
treating lackeys (þalajrenari-i) who attended guests, etc. 
The person in charge of the infirmary was, in the opinion 
of the Cardinal, both incapable and careless. 
The numbers then in the College were: Students, forty- 
seven; Fathers S.]., eight; Prefects, two; domestic serv- 
ants, eighteen or nineteen. 



Besides these, there were five non-residents paid by the 
College: the physician, surgeon, agent, maestro di capella, 
and the organist. 
Lastly, the students complained that there were too 
many fathers and servants. 
"I have but summarily set down and merely indexed the 
several heads of the domestic administration, which with 
many other things that I have passed over for brevity sake, 
to my mind call for reform." 
Cardinal Sega then calls attention to the English people 
then residing in Rome outside the College. He considers 
that much of the trouble in the establishment" owed its 
origin and growth" to the unrestricted intercourse which 
they had been allowed to have with the students, and he 
suggests that all communications even by letter between 
these strangers and the collegians should be " wholly 
suppressed or carefully restricted." 
Towards the close of 1596, Pope Clement VIII appointed 
Cardinal Borghese to be Vice-Protector of the College in 
place of Cardinal Toleto, who, as already noted, had died in 
September, before matters had been finally arranged-the 
Cardinal Protector, Cardinal Cajetan, being still absent as 
Legate in Poland. 1 With this appointment, and by the 
advice of Dr. Barret, the Holy Father finally determined 
the questions at issue between the Jesuit superiors and the 
students of the English College. In the main he adopted 
the suggestions of Cardinal Sega: the government by the 
Society was continued, but the Rector, Father Agazzari, in 
October 1597 gave place once more to Father Vitelleschi, the 
future General of the Society. He, however, only retained 
it for a year; for on November 2, 1598, Father Parsons 
once more became Rector and retained the office till his 
death in 1610. From this time till the suppression of the 
Society, an English Jesuit was always appointed to the 
In accordance with the suggestion of Cardinal Sega that 
the number of students should be diminished, and that 
some of them should be sent to Douay, where Dr. Barret 
had expressed his willingness to receive them, the Cardinal 
1 Foley, Records, vi. p. 119. 


10 3 

Protector-Cardinal Cajetan, who had now returned to 
Rome-addressed a letter in October 1597 to the Rector 
expressing the Pope's desire that this should be carried out. 
The letter is endorsed: "Dismissal of six students, 1597." 
But this is altogether too harsh an expression to use with 
regard to them; for although they were all among the 
number of the thirty-seven who had engaged in the agita- 
tion, the letter specially directs that they receive proper 
money and outfit, and that one reason at least for their 
being transferred to Douay, was to lessen the number in 
the Roman College so as to prevent the" heavy debts" 
increasing. As a fact, at this time ten students left Rome 
for Douay, and it is of interest to note that subsequently 
all of these became zealous missionaries and exemplary 
priests in England, except one-George Banister-who was 
drowned in the river at Douay in 1598.1 
Thus ended the great "stirs" of 1596. With these 
changes and the exercise of a little tact on the part of the 
Jesuit superiors, especially in the appointment of an English- 
man as Rector, the students gradually settled down in 
peace. Later, as will have to be noted, there were further 
difficulties, but they were not so serious as those which 
had taken place in the closing years of the sixteenth 
At this time an incident occurred at the College which 
may be told in the words of Father Pollen. 2 "A few 
scholars [of the English College] were found drinking in a 
tavern, and, when asked who they were, thought it a capital 
joke to say that they were from the German College. On 
the other hand, the Jesuit authorities of that College, on 
hearing that their good name had been touched, not un- 
naturally appealed to their Cardinal Protector to discover 
and punish the offenders. So when, at the end of September, 
the same merry company paid another visit to 'The Sign 
of the Rose' beside St. l\Iark's, they were promptly run in 
by the sbirri or police of the time. Under these circum- 
stances the affair took a serious aspect; for I talians are 
much less inclined to condone such offences. The Pope, 

1 Douay Diaries, i. p. 16. 
2 The Institution oj the Arch'pt'iest Blackwell, p. 24. 


though appreciating the humorous side of the adventure, 
did not overlook the offence against discipline. He laughed, 
but added rather grimly, that · as the English had drunk 
the Germans' wine, they should also go to prison for them' 
-that being the ordinary punishment for their offence." 
Finally, Father Parsons arranged a compromise, and the 
students were confined in private rooms at the College, 
where they were examined by the Don Accarizio Squarcioni, 
a Canon of St. John Lateran's, whom the Pope sent to 
conduct the enquiry. 
Before passing on, one incident with which the English 
College is connected should be referred to, as it tended to 
accentuate the distrust of the secular priests in the politics 
of the College. The English clergy had frequently mani- 
fested to the Holy See their desire to have Bishops appointed 
to rule them. Father Parsons was naturally consulted on 
this matter, as he was at the time Rector of the English 
College in Rome and in constant relation with the Cardinal 
Protector of both the College and the English nation- 
Cardinal Cajetan. At first, apparently, Parsons approved 
of the project, but subsequently he suggested the appoint- 
ment of a priest as Superior, with the title of Archpriest, 
but enjoying episcopal jurisdiction. The Cardinal approved 
of the suggestion, and in 1598 appointed Mr. George Black- 
well, with full ecclesiastical jurisdiction, over the clergy of 
England. He was given a council of six priests named by 
the Cardinal, and empowered to make choice of another 
six. The Archpriest was advised by the Cardinal to have 
special regard to the peace of the Society of Jesus, and 
it is said that with this letter was sent one containing 
private instructions, .. enjoining him in all matters of im- 
portance, to be guided by the advice of the Superior of the 
Jesuits." 1 
There is fortunately no necessity to enter into the merits 
of the unfortunate quarrel about this appointment. It 
was a great sorrow to many of the priests on the English 
Mission not to have been granted episcopal government, 
and the form of the order, coming from the Cardinal Pro- 
tector of England, in place of being issued by the Holy 
1 Tierney's Dodd. iii. p. 48 n. 


10 5 

Father himself, led them to hope that further representa- 
tions to Rome might be listened to if made at once. They 
therefore deputed two of their number, William Bishop 
and Robert Charnock, to proceed to Rome to represent 
their petition. The second had been an old English College 
student, and he and his companion arrived in Rome on 
November 10, 1598.1 After being received by Fr. Parsons 
into the Hospice for five days, they had to seek lodgings 
in the city. 
Canon Tierney 2 gives the sequel as follows: U In the 
middle of the night, on the twenty-eighth of December, 
they were suddenly arrested by a company of the Pope's 
guards, and having been conveyed under escort to the 
English College, were committed to the custody of Parsons 
and placed in separate apartments. For nearly four 
months they continued under restraint. Their papers were 
seized; they were debarred from all communication with 
each other; they were secluded from the counsel and intel- 
ligence of their friends; and they were subjected to a series 
of insulting and harassing examinations, conducted by 
Parsons and registered by Father Tichbourne, another 
member of the Society. On the seventeenth of February, 
1599, the two Cardinals Cajetan and Borghese arrived at 
the College: but the prisoners, instead of being allowed to 
discharge their commission, were, in reality, placed upon 
their defence; and a process, bearing all the characteristics 
of a trial, immediately commenced. The previous deposi- 
tions were read; new charges of ambition, and of a design 
to procure mitres for themselves, were urged against the 
deputies: the procurators of the archpriest were heard in 
aggravation; and the accused, having been permitted to 
reply, were remanded to their confinement, there to await 
the decision of the Court. . . . That decision was pronounced 
on the twenty-first of April. It released Bishop and his 
companion from their restraint; but ordered them to leave 
Rome within ten days; it forbade them to return either to 
England, Scotland or Ireland, without the express permission 
of the Pope or the Protector. JJ 
All this curious history, which did not lose in the telling, 
1 Tile Pilgrim Book, ed. Foley, 569. Z Dodd. iii. p. 52 n. 


could not have failed to increase the distrust in the 
management of the College, which unfortunately existed in 
the minds of the clergy in England. The effect on the 
students on seeing two English priests, who had come to 
lay a case before the Holy See, remaining as prisoners in 
the College, may be better imagined than described. 


WHEN Father Parsons arrived in Rome, sometime in the April 
of 1597, he found that Father Agazzari was once again installed 
as Rector of the English Col1ege. He set himself at once to 
work to probe the origin of the recent difficulties and to 
excogitate some means to prevent their recurrence. He 
almost at once got into relations with the students and won 
their confidence. Two letters written at this period, one 
by himself and another by one of the students, afford an 
interesting insight into these negotiations. 
To take Father Parsons' letter first. On May 5, 1597, he 
writes to Father Holt: "God hath given at length a happy 
end to these troubles and disagrements here in Rome: 
which, in truth, as I have found to be greater and more 
deeply rooted than ever I could imagine (though I had 
heard much) so are we more bound to Almighty God for 
the remedy which I believe verily to be found, and from the 
root. . . . 
"The means have been, next to God's holy Grace, certain 
large conferences that we have had alone (I mean the 
aggrieved part) with me together: wherein we have passed 
over all the whole story of these troubles and the causes 
of grief, discontent, contention, suspicion, emulation or 
exasperation, that have been given or taken on both sides: 
and as, on the one side, I have been content to hear the 
scholars, and to yield them reason where I thought they 
had it on their side, so, on the other, have they also been 
content to hear me, when I thought my reason was better 
than theirs, as also to distinguish where I presumed that, 
with some reason, there might go accompanied also some 
passion, suspicion, exaggeration or sinister interpretation: 
and so finally, God be thanked, we are come to a full end 
10 7 


and conclusion. . . . The scholars, on their sides, have 
fully satisfied me; and I have procured to remove all 
impediments on the behalf of the Society, and so shall do 
for the time to come, so as I heartily hope that never the 
like shall happen again. . . . And assure yourself, my 
good father, that, in untwisting of this clue, and unfolding 
matters past, I have found errors on both sides. . . . And 
who will marvel at this, seeing the one were strangers 
to the other, and the other had to deal with strangers. . . . 
This union here is not made only within the house, but 
with all in like manner abroad, both of your nation and 
others, and, namely, with the fathers of our Society every- 
where. And the success hath so contented His Holiness 
and all the Cardinals of the town, as you would wonder. 
And this day, being the Ascension of our Saviour, the Cardinal 
Vice Protector, Borghesius, has been here at the college 
himself and signified his exceeding great contentment of 
this event." 1 
In this letter, from which these quotations have been 
made, it is clear that in Father Parsons' mind the fault 
of the dissensions was not all on one side, and he more 
than plainly hints that much of the misunderstanding 
had come from the fact that foreigners had been put to 
rule over Englishmen, whose characters they could not 
understand. More interesting even than the letter of 
Parsons is that of Edward Bennet,2 a student of the College, 
written on the 16th of the same month. 
" In my last," he says, "I have written unto you 3 of 
Father Parsons' coming to Rome, since which time I 
have forbom writinge, because I would first see to what 
event our miseries would come unto; which now at last, 
to my no little ease and great comfort, the contentment 
of the scholars, the good of our country, I doubt not, I 
have seen. Whereof now by the first opportunity. I 
thought good for your comfort to make you partaker. 
"Wherefore, that you may the better understand the 

1 Tierney, iii. Ap. lxxviii. 
I Ed. Bennet was one of eight students who came to Rome from 
Douay in 159I. 
a Dr. Hugh Griffin, Provost of Cambray. 

series of our proceedings in ending of this business, you 
shall first understand that he, whom we most feared, and 
whom we accounted for our greatest enemy, hath been our 
greatest friend; yea, and the only man that hath satisfied 
us and put an end to these troubles, I mean Father Parsons. 
The matter passed thus. Father Parsons, at his first 
coming to Rome, lay at the Casa Professa, where many of 
the scholars visited him, and myself amongst the rest did 
the like. You must think that most of our discourse was 
how to end these stirs and to put an end to that which 
was an occasion of so great scandal. He offered us con- 
ference to hear our griefs, to give us remedy where we had 
reason, and desired of us likewise to hear reason, not to be 
carried away with passion, because it was God's cause; 
promising us that we should find all charity and indifferency 
in him that we could piously desire or expect. This 
passed on for a sevennight. In the meantime, he visited 
our Protector and the Pope's Holiness, with whom after 
a long discourse the Pope did ask him where he lay. He 
answered him, at the Casa. Then the Pope asked him 
whether he had been at the College :-but, to be brief, the 
Pope desired him to come and lie at the College, to see 
whether he might do any good. 
"So he came to the College, the next day, and lieth there 
still; so then we had better opportunity, with less trouble, 
to go forward with that whereof we had had some speech. 
He called us all together, told us we had God's cause in 
hand, laid before us the detrements that our countrymen 
suffered abroad because of our troubles, the inconveniences 
within the college that we found, and, in fine, the harm 
that the cause of England was like to suffer, if that these 
factions and dissentions did continue. 
"Such and like discourses being had, we all agreed 
to deal with father Parsons and seen whether he was able 
to give that satisfaction, which as yet we had not found. 
Whereupon we had certain conferences with him, debated 
and disputed all our whole matter from the beginning, 
proposed our difficulties and our reasons, which he heard 
with patience,-he, of the other side, the occasions which 
he thought to have been always the hindrance of peace, 


the mediums to get peace again and gotten to conserve it : 
for you must understand that our intention was, to make 
a solid peace and to find out the occasions of perturbing 
thereof, and, being found, to root them out. Much ado 
there was, you must think, in ripping up so many old 
festered sores; and you must think that he, that with reason 
should think to please a multitude, must have a good 
cause, [and] a great deal of patience: but truly, it pleased 
God so to help them all, in this good purpose of theirs, 
that, in all the time of their conferences, there fell out 
nothing of any part, that might give disgust. Father 
Parsons, for his part, yielded to the scholars to all things 
that they themselves had reason for, with such satisfaction 
of them, that surely I, which have known the very marrow 
of their action, would never have believed it, if I had not 
been an agent in it : and he, of the other side, I dare say, 
stood much comforted; so that we made a most sweet, 
loving and friendly peace, not only within the college, 
but also without: and I do hope it will continue, for the 
scholars be very quiet of mind. And, to tell you, as my 
old friend, I did never think that Father Parsons could ever 
have gotten that love of the scholars, as he hath gotten: 
so that, now we have ended all our troubles, the scholars 
confidently go to confession to the fathers. The Pope's 
Holiness is wonderfully pleased with it, as much as he was 
displeased with our troubles." 
The writer then goes on to urge his friend Dr. Griffin 
to range himself on the side of the Jesuits since "the 
Jesuits have carried it away, for the Pope hath determined 
to give all unto their hands and hath already given it." 1 
The day after this letter was penned, six students of 
the English College wrote to Father Aquaviva, the General 
of the Society, expressing their gratitude for the services 
of Father Parsons in settling the difficulties at the College. 
They also begged the Father-General to allow him to stay 
on with them, and hint that he would be to them an accept- 
able Superior. The original, according to Mr. Tierney, 
is in two places" corrected and interlined by Father Parsons 
himself." Of the six who signed the paper, one was Edward 
1 Tierney, üi. Ap. lxxx. 


Bennet, the writer of the letter just given, and two others, 
namely Trollope and \Volley, were among those whom 
Parsons subsequently sent away from Rome to finish their 
course at Rheims. The other four, including Edward 
Bennet, were sent to England a few months later. l 
There can be little doubt that one of the changes recom- 
mended by Father Parsons in the administration of the 
College, was the substitution of an Englishman for an Italian 
as Rector. This, as has already been pointed out, was 
subsequently effected by the appointment of Father Parsons 
himself. But almost immediately the Italian, Father 
Agazzari, who was holding office during the discussions 
between Father Parsons and the students, prudently retired, 
and was succeeded for a year by another Italian Jesuit 
who made way for Father Parsons in November 1598. 
It was just after the settlement of the dispute, that a 
decree, issued in regard to the degree of doctor of divinity 
by Pope Clement VIII, caused some suspicion among 
the English clergy that there were influences hostile to 
them at work in Rome. It had been represented-it is 
not clear by whom-either to the Pope or to the Cardinal 
Protector that it would be well to impose some restriction 
on the power of taking or granting the degree. It was said 
that, owing to the facility with which the doctorate was 
granted, men from England without the necessary qualifica- 
tions of age or of learning had been the recipients of the 
doctor's cap. It was to remedy this that the Pope on 
September 19, 1597, published his decree. By it he ordains 
that so long as England is separated from the Roman See, 
no English divine shall receive the degree unless in addition 
to the usual four years of divinity study, he shall have spent 
a similar time in It perfecting and consolidating" his 
knowledge: he orders also that the fitness of any candidate 
shall be attested by a written certificate from the president 
of the college where he has studied, and from the Protector 
or Vice-Protector of the English nation. 2 The promulgation 
of this decree caused a great deal of excitement among the 
English clergy. They, perhaps not unnaturally, but cer- 
tainly without reason, connected it with the late events 

1 Tierney, iii. Ap. lxxxii. 

:a Ib., Ap. no. xvüi.; cf. p. 40 n. 



in the English College, and saw in it a Jesuit attempt to 
lower the status of the English clergy. As a matter of 
fact, as far as appears, the sole motive of the Pope 
was to raise the value of the doctorate in the opinion of 
the world. 
But something more must be said about the general 
situation of Catholics in England, in order the better to 
understand the nervous condition of the English College 
students, even after peace had been proclaimed. From what 
has already been said it will have been evident to all the 
readers of these pages that the history of the English College 
is closely connected with the general state of Catholicity 
in England. Indeed, one of the most astonishing facts 
that appears in the story of the dark days of the Elizabethan 
persecutions and after, is this: whilst those that remained 
faithful to the old Faith exhibited heroic courage and virtue 
in their struggle for freedom of conscience, there were at 
the same time amongst them open and lamentable divisions 
and controversies, which undoubtedly contributed to 
diminish their numbers, and to sap their influence with 
their non-Catholic countrymen. Witness, for instance, 
the miserable disputes of Wisbeach, and the bitter epistolary 
and pamphlet war on the subject of the succession and other 
numerous questions of policy. The fact is undeniable; 
explain it as one may, it must be allowed to have existed. 
Instead, therefore, of being as might have been expected, 
one united body, with one political and religious aim, the 
English Catholics, during the two centuries which followed 
the enforcement of the Elizabethan Settlement of Religion, 
were divided into various parties, which it became the 
policy of the Protestant authorities to pit one against the 
other, and thus foment internal dissensions. To-day we 
cannot but wonder when we see how the spirit of obstinate 
and violent animosity was aroused about some minor 
point of independence or jurisdiction, and what bitter 
jealousy was caused by the supposed progress or influence 
of some particular Order or religious body. Oh! the pity 
of it, is the thought uppermost in the mind, when the 
history of this period of Catholicity in England is read 
to-day. Oh! the pity of it, when one remembers that 

behind all this, there existed a spirit of heroism in the face 
of persecution which led even to the dungeon and to death. 
This is not the time to write at length of this strange 
contrast, but the memory of these divisions must be recalled 
if the real inward history of the difficulties which beset 
the English foundation in Rome are to be rightly understood; 
for they were in reality the reflection of the divisiqns which 
unfortunately existed in England between the secular 
clergy and the regulars, more especially the Jesuit Fathers. 
At this distance of time it may be said, without fear of 
offence, that the fact that the College in Rome, though 
founded for the education of secular priests, was directed 
by members of the Society of Jesus, was the main source 
of contention and strife. The General of the Society was 
opposed in the beginning to taking this burden, but it 
was forced upon him by Dr. Allen and others. Then 
again, as we have seen, he proposed to withdraw his sub- 
jects, when it becanle evident that their rule over the 
College was one of the reasons for the continual difficulties, 
but he was constrained not to do so by an order of the Pope, 
procured by means of Dr. Barret, the President of Douay. 
On the whole, reading the documents and letters that 
exist in great abundance on the controversy, and studying 
the various visitations of the College made during the 
course of its history from its beginning to the suppression 
of the Society, the candid observer is bound to regret that 
the desire of the General of the Jesuits was not granted, 
and that some English secular priests were not appointed 
to rule the establishment. In the event, it certainly 
would have been the best solution for both parties, and in 
all probability the College would have become a much more 
flourishing centre of English ecclesiastical life than in fact 
it ever was during the many decades of Jesuit rule. 
Even if it be allowed, that in the beginning the arrange- 
ment made by Allen was useful and perhaps even necessary, 
we are bound to confess that in the course of time it became 
the very kernel of the too numerous contests between 
superiors and students. That the Jesuit missionaries in 
England were zealous and self-sacrificing is demonstrated 
by their work and by the many who laid down their lives 


for the Faith; but in the opinion of their secular brethren 
they became altogether too powerful. In 1623, a few 
years after Father Parsons' death, when the English province 
of the Society was founded, the Jesuit Fathers held or 
occupied a hundred missions or stations--one fourth of 
the whole number in England. And, unfortunately for 
the harmonious working of the seculars and regulars on 
the English Mission, the Jesuits, no doubt with the highest 
motives, successfully opposed the appointment of Bishops 
in England. When at length one was appointed by Pope 
Gregory XV (William Bishop), he was succeeded within a 
very short time by another (Richard Smith) whom continued 
opposition forced to retire to France, and for almost another 
fifty years England remained without a pastor. This 
naturally was a period of quarrels, jealousies and disorders, 
de quibus melius est tacere quam loqui. 
n is impossible not to contrast this state with that of 
Ireland, which, subject as it was to the same governing 
powers, and suffering terrible persecution, was always 
able to preserve its old Hierarchy and to remain a Catholic 
nation, whilst England (like Norway and Sweden) for bad 
political reasons lost the blessing, and remained a prey to 
the dominant heresy. The want of union, resulting from 
the absence of proper authority, led undoubtedly to a 
diminution of the number of Catholics generally, and the 
fact that the College in Rome for the education of seculars 
remained during this period under the Jesuit superiors, 
led to unworthy suspicions of their desire to keep their 
hand over it, in order to serve their own purposes. 
On the other hand it must be borne in mind that they 
were there by the express wish of those whom they had 
every right to consider as representing the English people 
and clergy. As time went on the fathers naturally clung 
to the direction of an establishment over which they had 
presided from the beginning. But the position was un- 
fortunate, since the English clergy, having several times 
endeavoured to get the College transferred to the seculars 
without success, gradually lost their interest in it. 
The consequences were inevitable. Among the secular 
clergy of England the reputation of the College was much 

Iany families no longer thought of sending 
their sons, who were intended for the Church, to Rome; 
the Jesuit College of St. Omer could not furnish a supply 
of subjects sufficiently advanced in their studies to be sent 
there, and that of Douay refused to send them. Ultimately 
the superiors of the College were constrained to change 
the original plan of the Institution, and to take youths not 
well grounded in their studies and not certain of their 
vocation. The Cardinal Protector and the Sacred Con- 
gregation of Propaganda were obliged with grief to witness 
the decadence of the College, the revenues of which were 
devoted to the support of youths mostly discontented, who 
in the end were of much smaller advantage to the English 
Mission than might have been the case under different 
circumstances. During the same time the College of Doua y 
was a most flourishing establishment with more than 150 
students, which sent into England yearly from five to ten 
The authorities in Rome endeavoured to remedy this 
unsatisfactory state of things, and several Visitations were 
made at the College. It would serve no useful purpose to 
dwell on these in detail. Suffice it to say that, in spite 
of decrees and regulations, little or no advantage resulted. 
In vain, for example, did Propaganda, in order to meet the 
complaints of the English clergy, publish orders (like that 
larch 4, 1624) prohibiting the students from entering 
into the religious life; in vain did Pope Alexander VII in 
166 7 ordain that every English College student should bind 
himself by oath to serve the English :Mission as a secular 
priest, and not to enter any religious Order; in vain were 
repeated demands for support for the College made by the 
Cardinal Protector, the Nuncio in Brussels, to Doua y, 
and to the chief missionary priests in England. The replies 
were cold excuses or reiterated expressions of complaints, 
as maybe seen in the papers still preserved. The Roman 
College did not interest them and the reason is clear: the 
secular clergy had not the control in what they regarded, 
it must be allowed with reason, as their own house. 
For the period 1620 to 1700 the Registers are apparently 
missing, but from documents in Propaganda and in the 


English College archives, it is abundantly clear that the 
Roman Institution does not, in results, compare favourably 
with the other English Colleges at Douay, Lisbon, Paris 
or Liége. Whilst the revenue of the Roman house was 
greater than that of the other Colleges, the number of the 
students was smaller, and the number of priests who ulti- 
mately went to the English Mission was small in proportion 
to the number of the students. 
At the beginning of the eighteenth century Monte 
Porzio was purchased by the College. A century before, 
the Society of Jesus had bought the property for 6000 
crowns, and had spent another 6000 on the buildings, 
about twice as much as it should have cost, according to 
the complaint of the Jesuits themselves. The English 
College had used it during nearly the entire century as 
a villeggiatura, and the Society received a small rent for 
it. In 1703 the Jesuits petitioned Cardinal Caprara, the 
Protector of the Venerabile, to buy from them the property 
for 6000 crowns; and the Cardinal, who was unwilling to 
give up Monte Porzio as the place of villeggiatura for the 
English students, by a decree of March 13, 1704, sanctioned 
the sale for 6000 crowns. It was not, however, till April 3, 
1708, that the deed of sale was executed. 1 
From a statement made by the College authorities in 
1667 to Cardinal Barberini 2 we learn the following par- 
ticulars about the state of the Institution. Up to June 6, 
1667, it is stated that 410 priests had been sent on the 
Mission from the College. Of these fifty were authors 
of books of controversy, 130 had suffered imprisonment 
and torture, and above forty had laid down their lives. 
Since the last Visit in 1630, sixty-nine labourers had 
gone to the English vineyard and two more were ready to go. 
All the students at this time (1667) in the College Hare 
of excellent dispositions, being almost all of genteel families." 
Since 1630, the young priests of the establishment had been 
exercising the duty of catechising and had been the means 
of converting sixty Protestants to the Catholic Faith. 
In the Venerabile at the time there were eight Jesuits, 
1 Lib. ii. p. 130, and Deed of Sale, lib, 442. p. 136. 
2 Serift" 47, 5. 







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[To face p. 117. 


two of the convictors belonging to the Society; twenty-two 
scholars, of whom only one was a convictor, two lawyers 
ad lites, one of whom was rent-gatherer, the other convictor 
and nine servants-in all forty-one mouths to be fed. 
The small number of the students is accounted for. 
First, because in the time of Pope Gregory XIII the College 
had an income of 13,000 crowns besides great gifts to support 
the fifty students on the foundation, whereas at the time 
(1667) the income was barely 5000 crowns. Secondly, 
because the College was heavily in debt. Thirdly, because 
the fire in 1653 (which, by the way, was said to have been 
caused by some turbulent students and for which some were 
put into prison 1) had caused so much talk that parents 
would not send their sons to the College, and eight that were 
to have come from St. Omer's refused to do so. Fourthly, 
because in 1655 four students became religious. 
Further, the Plague of 1655 prevented arrivals and three 
priests had left for England, two had been dispensed fron1 
the oath; some students had died and one was sent away. 
But for these causes there should have been thirty-five or 
forty students at the College in 1667, as there had been 
usually since the Visit of 1630. 

1 Seritt., 27, no. I. 



FROM these melancholy reflections we may usefully turn to 
consider one of the most glorious pages in the history of 
the English College in Rome; as glorious as, if not indeed 
more glorious, than any similar Institution can boast of 
possessing: the page which records the martyrdom for the 
Faith of so many of its alU'1n111'. Proud indeed must be every 
son of the Roman Alma Mater at the thought of the heroic 
sufferings and deaths of so many of the old students of the 
Venerabile, and of the fact that the very foundations of 
the College were washed, as it were, by the blood of the 
many martyrs who went forth as priests from its walls to 
help to preserve the Catholic religion in England. They 
were true heroes in every sense of the word, knowing as 
they did that they were preparing themselves in their 
college life for certain persecution and possible death, in 
the exercise of their ministry in England. This is why the 
great St. Charles of Milan thought it an honour to receive 
these young men when passing through his metropolitan 
city on their way to and from their own country. This is 
why the sweet St. Philip, who lived close to the College, 
on meeting them in the streets was wont to salute them 
with the words of the hymn for the feast of the Holy 
Innocents, Salvete FlO1'es Ma1'tyr1tm. 
They had the spirit of martyrs even during the years 
of their preparation, as the Annual Letters prove, and their 
successors of to-day may well be proud to occupy their 
places. For example, this is what is written in the very 
early days of the College about the students: "Omitting 
for the present further mention of their piety and virtue, 
their detachment from earthly desires and the goods and 
conveniences of this life, the loftiness of their purpose to 



aim at nothing merely transitory or mortal, and many 
sin1ilar virtues, it were hardly possible to express their 
great yearning for martyrdom. So eager are they to shed 
their life-blood for Christ, that this forms the constant 
topic of their conversation, and of the trial-sermons delivered 
in the Refectory at meals. Nor can our Fathers in their 
domestic exhortations awaken a livelier interest than by 
urging them to shed their blood, and to lay down their 
lives for the Faith. The louder the boastings of the heretics, 
and the more terrible the reports of the cruelties committed 
in England, the more ardent are their desires. So much 
so that, brooking no delay, many would shorten the time 
of their studies to be sooner free to rush into the fray, 
reckoning little of the fame and honour to be acquired by 
a full course of the more arduous branches of learning." 
Moreover, as the writer goes on to show, many before 
coming to their studies had already had practical experi- 
ence of what these persecutions meant. u It is indeed," 
he writes, U amazing to behold such fervour in these young 
men, of whon1 not a few have, in the cause of religion, tasted 
of threatenings, outrage and crosses, thus experiencing the 
sweetness of suffering for the name of Christ. I t is scarce 
two years since one of them was cruelly flogged, his ears 
were bored through with red-hot iron, and he himself thrust 
into a foul dungeon, whence, in consideration of his youth, 
he was released after a confinement of son1e months. From 
that prison he wrote a letter in answer to his father, who 
sought by threats and reproaches to force him back from 
the Catholic Faith. His reply, having been deemed worthy 
of publication by Cardinal Paliotti, can be read by all. 
It is a wonderful expression of the fervour and joy in suffer- 
ing that inspires its youthful writer, whose conduct at 
present (1580) in this College proves the abundance of 
Divine Grace he has earned by these torments and 
inflictions.' , 
This student's name was apparently John Tippets, who 
came to the College in 1580 from Douay with five others, 
and who, having been ordained in 1584, entered the 
Carthusian Order and died in religion. The description 
of the sufferings of this young Confessor for religion given 


in the Douay Diaries is as follows: "One Tippet a younge 
man sumtyme student of Doway was apprehended here 
in this city and brought before the biteship (Bishop) of 
London and :Mr. Recorder, where he was straytly examined 
in matters of conscience; to the which directly he answered 
as a good Christian Catholic, and through God's grace 
could not be perverted. Wherefore the' biteship , and the 
recorder being outrageously moved against him, contrary 
to all justice and law, they condemned hin1 to be whipped 
at a cart's tail, and to be bored through the ear with a hot 
iron, which was executed in most despiteful and cruellest 
manner that might be executed to any rogue . . . the 
good and godly young man bearing all with wonderful 
patience, not letting to make protestation of his faith all 
the way of his martyrdom, and as yet (Dec. 1579) contrary to 
their own laws, they keep him in Newgate." 1 
Other similar cases are mentioned in these records. 
One youth was kept three days hanging by the feet to shake 
his determination to becon1e a Catholic. Another of good 
family, after practising his religion in secret through fear 
of offending his father, fled to the Continent and to Rome: 
another, V{illiam Brookesby, the son of a rich father, aban- 
doned his worldly prospects and refused an advantageous 
marriage, the solicitations of his relatives failing to turn 
him from his purpose of studying for the priesthood. Again, 
" A young student. was arrested at the same time as his 
patron, a noble man and a Catholic. [This youth was] that 
most glorious martyr of Christ, Sherwin. As neither threats 
nor promises could extort from him a word of inforn1ation 
against Catholics, he was cast into a filthy hole and deprived 
of all necessaries of life. In the darkness and the squalor 
of this dungeon, the young man was visited with sweetness 
of heavenly consolation even so as to have a vision of the 
death agony of Christ, by the contemplation of which he 
was greatly strengthened. 
" After some days he was again led out to be examined, 
but as they could not get a word fron1 him they struck him 
in the face, adding threats of scourging and the rack. He 
was thrust again into his dungeon, where he suffered sharp 
1 Douay Diaries, i. 149. 



rheumatic pains from the damp. Being brought before the 
court for a third time, he was again plied with questions, 
but without result. At length the judge, being exasper- 
ated, ordered him to be thrust into his noisome den to rot 
there unless he would inform. It was also hinted that 
should he remain obstinate, he would be sent to Bridewell, 
a house of correction for malefactors and vagabonds, to 
be daily flogged there. He passed many weeks in this 
deplorable plight, when, having been set free by the Divine 
Goodness, he joined us here." 1 
At the same time as the above youthful confessor for 
the Faith, there came to the English College in Rome Ittwenty- 
three youths of great promise, most of them being of gentle 
birth and of tried constancy in the Faith." One of these 
was importuned by parents and friends, and cast into prison 
because he would not renounce his Faith and conform to 
the established religion. By the help of God he escaped 
and managed to cross into Flanders. And, adds the writer 
of the A nnual Letters of 1580, It many others have given no 
less brilliant proof of their unswerving loyalty to the Faith." 
At this period there came to the College, not as a student 
for the priesthood but as a lay-pensioner, an Englishman 
named George Gilbert, who had already done so much for 
the Catholic cause in England and who died in Rome on 
October 6, 1583. When the Jesuit fathers first came to 
work in England, Gilbert became their constant guide and 
benefactor. At his own cost he set up a printing press for 
them and defrayed all the cost. He was regarded as the 
chief helper of the proscribed seminary priests; most of 
his property was sequestered, and to a void arrest he came 
to the Continent and took refuge in the English College at 
Rome. On departing fron1 England Gilbert left Fr. Parsons 
a sun1 of money and seven horses for the use of the mis- 
sionaries, and on his way through Rouen and Rhein1s, 
though at the time comparatively poor, he made generous 
offerings to some nuns in distress and to the College. He 
had the spirit of a martyr, and U since his arrival at Rome," 
says the writer of the Annual Letters, " he ever evinces the 
same earnestness in the cause of religion. He was accom- 
1 Foley. Records, etc., vi. 75. 



parried hither by a young relative of the illustrious martyr, 
Sir Thomas More, who had conferred many benefits on the 
Fathers of the Society and the Catholic cause, and whose 
conduct amongst us proves that he is not unworthy of his 
sainted kinsman." 1 This was Charles Basset, who had to 
leave the College later on account of ill-health, and who 
died at Rheims in 1584. He was a rival of his friend George 
Gilbert in generous sacrifices for religion. He left his money 
to Doua y College. 2 
An interesting benefaction to the College in Rome, 
made by George Gilbert somewhere about 1582, and cer- 
tainly between 1580 and 1583, was the series of pictures 
of the English martyrs on the walls of the College church. 
Between 1580 and 1585 many important concessions were 
made to the College by Pope Gregory XIII viva voce-that 
the relics of these martyrs might be used, in default of others, 
in the consecration of altars; that the Te Deum might be 
sung on the news of the death of any missionary priest for 
the Faith, and that their pictures with their names attached 
might be painted in the Church of the English College. It 
was apparently George Gilbert who arranged for the series 
of sixty-three martyrs of England, fron1 Blessed John Fisher, 
who laid down his life on June 22, 1535, to Blessed Richard 
Thirkeld, who suffered on May 20, 1583. The sight of 
these pictures helped to keep up the heroic spirit which 
existed, according to every testimony, among the students 
of the Venerabile, and of which they gave ample proof when 
their time came to return to the missionary field in England. 
Here it is possible to do little more than record the names 
of those alumni of the College who gave the supreme testi- 
mony to their Faith on the scaffold. The roll of honour is 
a glorious one. I t contains the names of six who were 
declared Beati, and of thirty-six who were pronounced 
Venerable Servants of God by the Decree of the Congregation 
of Rites of December 29, 1880. Besides these may be 
counted some seven others whose cause was not considered 
sufficiently certain for their names to be included in the 
official recognition of martyrdom. 
The first College student to lay down his life, as has 
1 Foley, vi. 77. 3 Ib., P 153. 


12 3 

already been noted, was RalPh Sherwin, one of the party 
of priests including Fr. Parsons and Fr. Campion, who were 
entertained in 1580 by St. Charles Borromeo, when they 
were passing through Milan. He suffered death at Tyburn 
on December I, 1581, together with Fr. Campion and 
Fr. Alexander Briant, a student of Rheims College. U As 
Sherwin," says the writer of the A nnual Letters, U belongs 
to us and was the first of our students to lay down his life 
for the Faith, I will here set down a brief sketch taken from 
a work on the English persecution, which has lately come 
out. It is hardly possible to tell the ardour wherewith 
Sherwin yearned to fly to the help of his wretched country. 
While here in Rome, the news of the inflictions and tortures 
which his fellow countrymen were made to suffer, far from 
daunting, fired him with more intense longing. His dis- 
position, talents and virtue would have enabled him to 
ha ve been of no slight use to his country, had he not been 
seized soon after landing. Laden with irons he was cast 
into a darksome dungeon, yet his soul was free. . . . At 
length he was threatened with the rack and there was every 
appearance that the threat would be put in execution. On 
his part he prepared himself to suffer torture and even death. 
. . . Having received sentence of death in company of 
thirteen others, he was on the 1st of December placed on a 
sledge or hurdle, with Briant (Father Campion being placed 
on another by himself) and dragged through the streets to 
Tyburn. . . . Campion having been executed, the hangman, 
as if to terrify him, seized on him with his blood -stained 
hands, saying: (Come, Sherwin, and take your reward: 
Sherwin turned to him with a smiling countenance, embraced 
him, kissing his gory hands. The bystanders were so 
moved at this that they compelled the sheriff to let him 
speak if he would. He, therefore, took his stand on the 
ladder and made a most powerful address to the people, 
wherein he amazed all by the fervent expression of his 
interior joy. He blessed them all, forga ve everyone, 
prayed for all, calling his persecutor and those who had 
sought his life his dearest friends. Finally his neck being 
in the noose, he continued till his last breath to exclaim 
in tones of unspeakab:e joy and with a cheerful countenance: 

( Jesu, Jesu, be to me Jesus! ' while the crowd cried out 
( May the Lord God receive your blessed soul, good Sherwin.' 
Thus adorned with the martyr's crown did he fall asleep 
in the Lord. 
(( Praise be to God and to the Blessed Virgin Mary." 1 
The next student of the Venerabile to lay down his life 
for his religion was Luke Kirby, a native of the diocese of 
Durham, or according to the Douay Diary, of Colchester. 
He was a student at Douay before coming to Rome, and 
was ordained at Cambray September 16, 1577. Passing 
into England for some months, Fr. Luke Kirby returned 
to Douay on his way to Rome in July 1578. He was only 
a short time in the College and formed one of the party 
who accompanied Fr. Parsons, Campion and the martyr 
Sherwin from Rome in 1580. Lea ving Doua y, on his return 
to England in the July of that year, he was arrested at the 
same time as his companion, Blessed Ralph Sherwin, and 
thrown into prison. Whilst there he was tortured by what 
was known as (( the Scavenger's daughter." He was a 
prisoner in the Tower of London in 1581, and suffered death 
at Tyburn May 20, 1582. 
In the A nnals for 1582 another priest, John Sheri, 
executed for his religion with Fr. Luke Kirby, is named as 
a student of the English College. He, after studying at 
Rheims, had apparently gone to Rome as a subdeacon to 
study his theology in 1576,2 and would seem to have been 
one of the students lodged in the old Hospice prior to the 
opening of the College proper. He returned to Douay as 
a priest in July 1578,3 and left for England the following 
month: being, as the Douay Diary says, (( the first student 
of the Roman Seminary" to join the English Mission. 4 
The account of his martyrdom is thus given in the Annual 
Letters: "After undergoing the most exquisite torments, 
the rack and the hardships of imprisonment, they (Luke 
Kirby and John Shert) were condemned to a shameful 
death for the brilliant answer they made to their judges 
in defence of the faith. Bound to a hurdle, they were 
dragged by horses from the Tower of London to the place 

1 Foley, Records, vi. pp. 78-80. 
3 Ib., p. 14 2 . 

:z Douay Diary, i. p. 113. 
, Ib. 


12 5 

of execution before an immense crowd of people. Ha ving 
openly professed their faith and innocence, they were hanged 
on the gallows, their heads were next severed, and they 
were disembowelled and quartered. Their quarters, which 
were parboiled, would have been placed over the City gates, 
were it not that the people, moved by the fate of others 
who had lately been executed for the same cause and with 
the like barbarity, began to murmur. Hence, after burning 
their entrails, they buried the mutilated remains of the 
martyrs under the gibbet. Certain Catholic noblemen, having 
marked the spot, took counsel to have these precious relics 
removed, which was successfully accomplished under favour 
of the night. Not only have several parts of England been 
enriched by this priceless treasure, but portions of it have 
been brought even to this College. 
"The Divine Goodness has had regard to the ardent 
devotion wherewith the Catholics venerate these hallowed 
remains. Many are wont to go to the city gates or to 
London Bridge, where the heads and quarters of these 
martyrs are placed, and to a void suspicion inquire of the 
bystanders who these traitors were; they then secretly 
venerate them and put up a silent prayer. Besides those 
just mentioned, two other priests have laid down their lives 
with no less fortitude and constancy, viz. Laurence Richard- 
son, for some time a resident here, and Thomas Cottam, 
a novice." 1 The former was ordained at Douay in 1577, 
and probably came to Rome between that and 1581, when 
he is reported as being already in prison in England. He 
was known also under the name of Laurence Richardson. 2 
The second, Thomas Cottam, was ordained at Douay 
in 1580, and sent to the English Mission in the same year. 
He had previously been at Douay in 1577, in which year 
he received the orders of subdeacon and deacon at Cam- 
bray. In 1579, still as a deacon, he went to Rome with 
six others, "partim devotionis partim studio rum causa." 3 
He returned in the April of 1580 before his ordination on 
25th of May at Soisson. He went to England with Fr. 
Campion's party in June of the same year. Although the 
stay of this holy martyr in Rome was very brief, his name 
1 Foley. Records. vi. p. 86. \I Douay Diary. i. p. 181. a Ib. 



is given in an early list of U students who died in the 
persecutions in England." 1 
The same year, 1582, at York, there suffered Father TVilliam 
Lacey, who was ordained priest in Rome and whose name is 
entered in the old list of English College students who gave 
their lives for religion. He had married the widowed 
mother of Father Joseph Creswell, the Jesuit, and upon 
her death came to Rome to prepare for the priesthood. 
On his return to England, after exercising his sacred ministry 
for a short time, he was taken at York, and after being 
committed to prison in the Castle was sentenced to death 
as a priest and executed on August 22, 1582. 
The following year, 1583, on May 30, Father TV illiam 
H art received the martyr's crown also at York. He had 
been educated in his early youth at Lincoln College, Oxford, 
and on his conversion there went to Douay to finish his 
humanities. Thence he came to the English College in 
Rome, and being ordained,left for the English Mission with 
forty-six other priests, thirteen of whom became martyrs. 
A letter, written to Father Agazzari in April 1583, describes 
the great work that this late student (vestræ olim disciPlinæ 
alumnus) was doing in the city of York. And in the same 
month Allen received the notice of his glorious death U for 
the Church of Christ and the authority of His Vicar." 
U He was a youth," adds the writer, U as you know, inno- 
cent and modest, and a learned and holy priest. When 
he was led to the scaffold (where inter iniquos reputatus 
est) many saluted him with kind and respectful words." 2 
After his execution a multitude of those who were present, 
even at the risk of arrest, endeavoured to possess theln- 
selves of his clothes and other relics of the holy martyr. 3 
The year 1584 gave four and possibly five English 
College students to the Church as martyrs, two, George 
Haydock and Thomas Hamerford, at Tyburn on the same 
day, February 12; the third, TVilliam ChaPlain,4was ordained 
1 Archives, Paper B. Nomi degli Alunni morti Ira i tormenti netle 
persecuzioni d'I nghilterra. 
II Douay Diary, i. p. 353. 
3 lb., p, 3 2 7. 
t He is among the dilati and his name therefore does not appear in the 


12 7 

priest in the College by Bishop Goldwell in 1584, and left 
for England immediately afterwards to receive his martyr's 
crown the same year. According to the A nnual Letters 
for this same year, the College gave a fourth martyr to the 
Church during its course in the person of John Iv! ltndell, 
"a priest and former student of this College," 1 who was 
executed together with George Haydock and Thomas 
Hamerford. Munden had held a fellowship at Oxford, and, 
being deprived of it on account of his religion, came abroad 
and from Rheims passed to Ronle, where he was ordained 
in 1582. In that year he left for England, where he was 
soon discovered, and after a year's imprisonment in the 
Tower, suffered at Tyburn with his two fellow-students, 
February 12, 1584. To this number we may add the name 
of James Lomax, who was ordained at the College in 15 8 2. 
Dr. Barret, the Rector of Rheims, in a letter to Fr. Agazzari 
dated August II, 1583, says: "P. Lomax was captured 
on his very landing, and not without a certain carelessness 
on his part, as some think; for, when accosted by a person, 
( You appear to me to be a priest,' ( I am,' he replied. and 
was consequently arrested." He is said to have died in 
chains in prison this year. 1584- 
The next English College student to receive the palm 
of martyrdom was John Lowe. a Londoner, who came to 
the Venerabile in 1581 and was ordained by Bishop Goldwell 
in 1583- Just before Christmas of that year. he passed 
through Rheims on his way back to England. "Eight 
days ago." writes Dr. Barret the Rector to Fr. Agazzari on 
December 28. 1583. "Father Lowe started on his journey, 
strong in body and soul. and much stronger in his deter- 
mination to face all dangers." 2 The blessed martyr had 
been a Protestant minister before his conversion. and had 
made his studies at Douay before coming to Rome to receive 
his Orders. He was arrested at York. and suffered there 
on :March 15. or as one authority says. on December 10. 
15 86 . 
In this same year Fr . John Harrison died when in 
prison for his religion. He had been ordained deacon in 
1577 at Douay, leaving on August 2 of that year for the 

1 Foley, Records, vi. p. III. 

:z Douay Diary, i. 334. 


English College at Rome, where he was admitted as a 
convict or among the alumni of the Venerabile. He 
apparently returned to Douay, and was ordained priest 
in March 1580. He went to England in April 158I. 
Br. Foley identifies this blessed John Harrison with the 
priest who died in prison in 1586. The exact date is not 
known, but it would have been about that time. Accord- 
ing to the history: (( Upon Monday in Easter-week, the 
house of :Mr. Heathe at Cumberford (in the north) was 
searched by Thornes and Ca wdall, and l\1r. Harrison, a 
priest, there apprehended. They so cruelly used l\1rs. 
Heathe at that time, tossing and tumbling her, that she, 
thereby frightened, died the Friday following." 
The following year, 1587, added one more English College 
student to the roll of heroes. This was Martin Sherton, 
or Sherson, born in the diocese of York. He came to Douay 
in 1580, and was confirmed there in the chapel of the Presi- 
dent, by the Bishop of St. Asaph, Dr. Goldwell, who was 
passing through Douay at that time. In March of the 
following year, 1581, he left to complete his studies in 
Rome,! and entered the College in May of that year. 2 He 
left Rome on account of his health in May 1585, and return- 
ing to Douay was ordained on April 5, 1586. He left for 
the English Mission shortly after-on June 16, 1586. His 
ministry did not last long, as he was arrested in London 
as a priest and died in chains in the Marshalsea prison in 
the February of 1587. 
The year 1588 added four more names of English College 
students to the golden list of martyrs. The first was 
Robert Morton, a Y orkshireman. He entered the College 
at Rheims in 1573 and began his theology the following 
year. He came to Rome in 1586, and after passing some 
months as a convictor, became an alumnus of the College 
inIApril 1587, and in the same month received the minor 
orders, the subdeaconate and the diaconate. He obtained 
permission to return to Douay to be ordained priest. He 
reached his old seminary on May 27, and had the priesthood 
conferred on him by the Cardinal of Guise in his pri va te 
chapel at Rheims on the 14th of June of the same year, 
1 Douay Diary, pp. 167, 177. I Foley, vi. p. 147. 



1587. He departed a fortnight afterwards for the English 
Mission, but was quickly discovered in London, arrested, 
and on August 18, 1588, II was hanged, bowelled and quar- 
tered upon a new pair of gallows set up in Lincoln's Inn 
Fields." Bishop Challoner says that II Hugh Moore, a 
Lincolnshire gentleman and convert," was put to death with 
him, both behaving II with admirable patience and con- 
stancy, yea with joy and pleasure." They were not 
allowed to speak to the people, the heretics fearing the effect 
of their burning words upon the minds of the hearers in 
fa vour of the old religion. No less than twenty-one priests, 
ten laymen and one lady (total thirty-two) were butchered 
in that fatal year. 1 
The second of the four students to suffer this year, 
1588, was Father Richard Leigh, who went to Rheims in 
1581, where, having studied his humanities, he was sent to 
the Roman Seminary in September 1582. He became an 
inmate of the College in the November of that year, and 
took the mission oath on June 29, 1583. He was ordained 
priest in February 1586, and passed through Douay on his 
way to England in the June of that year. He was soon 
discovered to be a priest, and being apprehended and charged, 
was cast into prison and banished. He, however, managed 
to return again to continue his missionary labours, but was 
seized a second time, and being condemned to death, 
suffered at Tyburn August 30, 1588. II He was known," 
writes Br. Foley, II by the alias of Garth and was betrayed 
on one occasion to Justice Young, by the unhappy apostate 
Anthony Tyrrel." 2 
Father Edward James, the third alumnus to die for his 
faith in 1588, was admitted to the English College in 
September 1581, was ordained subdeacon and deacon in 
the College chapel by the Venerable Bishop Goldwell in 
1582, and received the sacred priesthood the following 
year. He suffered the usual cruel death at Chichester on 
October I, 1588. He had as companion another priest, 
Father Ralph Crockett, on the scaffold. II Their quarters 
were set up upon poles, and one of Mr. Crockett's, which 
had fallen down, was carried off to Douay, where Bishop 
1 See Foley, vi. p. 74. \I Records, vi. p. 157. 



Challoner states that he had seen it. 1 The A nnual Letters 
state that Edward James did not leave Rome for the Mission 
till September IS8S. In that month he and three com- 
panions, Robert Bennett, Edmund Calverley and Chris- 
topher Atherton, "were admitted to kiss the feet of His 
Holiness (Sixtus V), who received them most graciously 
and made them a present of two hundred crowns for their 
journey." 2 
The fourth student to suffer this same year was Chris- 
toPher Buxton. He was a native of Derbyshire, and had 
received his early education in the private school kept by 
the intrepid martyr Nicholas Garlick, at Tideswell in the 
Peak country. In IS8I he went to Rheims, and two years 
later had the tonsure and minor orders. In IS84 he came 
to Rome and received Holy Orders in IS86. Leaving for 
the English Mission in the April of 1S87, and passing through 
Rheims, he set out for England in the June of that year. 
He was arrested within a year of his arrival, and suffered 
martyrdom at Canterbury with two fellow-priests in 
October IS88. He was the last of the heroic trio to suffer, 
and had to witness the horrible cruelties inflicted upon his 
two companion priests, Robert Wilcox and Robert Widmer- 
pool. At the last moment his persecutors, hoping that 
his constancy might be shaken by the sight, offered him 
his life if he would conform to the established religion. To 
this proposal he replied that" he would not purchase cor- 
ruptible life at such a rate, and that if he had a hundred 
lives he would willingly lay them all down in defence of 
the faith." 3 \Vhilst he offered up his life at Canterbury, 
on the same day his fellow-student in the Venerabile was 
dying in the same cause at Chichester. 
In IS89 and IS90 two more English College alumni 
suffered martyrdom. ChristoPher Bailey, or Balas, the first 
of these two to receive the crown, was a Durham county 
man and a convert in early life; coming to the College in 
IS83 when only nineteen years old, he received minor orders 
the same year from Bishop Goldwell. In September IS84 
he left Rome on account of health and came to Douay, 

1 Records, vi. p. 144- \I Ib., p. 113. 
8 Menology of England and Wales, p. 469, 


13 1 

where he was ordained in 1587, and he went to England on 
November 2, 1588. He was soon arrested as a seminary 
priest, imprisoned and cruelly racked, II being suspended 
for twenty-four hours together; all which he bore with 
wonderful patience and courage, though otherwise of an 
infirm body and tending to consumption." He suffered 
death in Fleet Street, London, March 4, 1590. At the same 
time there were executed Nicholas Horner upon a gibbet 
in Smithfield, and Alexander Blake upon a gibbet in Gray's 
Inn Lane before his own house, for receiving priests. Of 
these one was a tailor, the other a poor man that kept 
lodgings. 1 
In 1590 Edmu1zd Duke laid down his life for his religion. 
He had come to Rheims in the March of 1583, and was con- 
firmed by the Bishop of Soissons the same year in the chapel 
of the Cardinal of Rheims. He was sent to Rome for his 
theological studies with nine companions in the August of 
15 8 4, where he received the minor orders from Bishop 
Goldwell the following year. In 1589 he left the College 
for the English Mission, passing through Rheims on Octo- 
ber 23 of that year, and remaining at the College till March 22, 
when he departed with three other priests, namely Richard 
Hill, Richard Holiday and James Hogg. They landed in 
the north of England and were immediately seized, and all 
four suffered death upon the scaffold on May 27, 159 0 . 
The year 1591 gave two more of the English College 
students to the roll of the Church's martyrs. Polidore 
Palmer, alias Oliver Plasden, after studying at Rheims, 
was sent on to Rome in March 1584. He was ordained sub- 
deacon and deacon in November, and priest in December 
15 8 7, at the age of five-and-twenty. In April of the 
following year he reached Rheims on his way to England, 
and remained there till the 2nd of September. After 
labouring probably in the neighbourhood of London from 
1588 till the end of 1591, he was arrested whilst assisting 
at a Mass celebrated in the house of the martyr, Swithun 
Wells, by his friend Edmund Jennings on November 8, 
1591. He was seized by Topcliffe and his pursuivants 
together with all the others assisting at the Holy Sacrifice, 
1 Foley, vi. p. 160. 


and executed at Tyburn on December 10, 1591, together 
with his friend and companion at the English College, 
Eustace White. "They suffered," says the DOltay Diary, 
" the penalty of high treason not because they were traitors, 
but because as Catholic priests who had celebrated l\Iass, 
which in England is punished by the penalties attached to 
high treason." 1 
Eustace White was a native of Lincolnshire. He was 
born at Louth and became a convert in early life, coming 
to study at Rheims in October 1584. At the age of twenty- 
six he was admitted to the English College in Rome, being 
already apparently a priest. He remained at the College 
till October 1588, when he left for the English :Mission in 
company with the martyr already mentioned, Christopher 
Bailey or Balas. The ordinary account of his martyrdom 
states that he was arrested at the Mass celebrated in Swithun 
Wells's house with Fr. Plasden and others. "He was cruelly 
tortured in prison to make him betray his fellow Catholics 
and at one time was hung up by the hands for eight hours 
together, but all was in vain. Nothing could shake his 
constancy, and all he did was to cry out: 'Lord, more 
pain if Thou pleasest, and more patience.'" He was con- 
demned merely for his priesthood, and suffered at Tyburn 
with the blessed company 2 of his fellow-student at the 
V enerabile, Polydore Plasden, on December 10, 1591. 
The next year suffered Thomas Portmore or Pormort, 
the son of a Lincolnshire gentleman. He was reconciled 
to the Church apparently at the age of twenty, and after 
spending a few months at the Seminary at Rheims, in 15 81 
he went on to Rome and entered the English College in 
May. In 1587, upon the petition of Cardinal Allen, he 
was dispensed from the irregularity contracted by heresy 
and received Sacred Orders. On account of ill-health, 
on March 6, 1588, he left the College and became one of 
the household of Dr. Owen Lewis, the Bishop of Cassano. 
He subsequently left Rome for the English Mission, and in 
159 1 fell into the hands of the persecuting authorities. 
Being confined in the Tower, he was cruelly racked, "his 
1 Douay Diary, i. p. 243. 
I Menology of England and Wales, p. 593. 



body being all disjointed and his belly broken OJ to make 
him disclose the names of those who had assisted and 
harboured him. Portmore was condemned and executed 
on the double charge of being a priest and of reconciling 
one John Barwys to the Church of Rome. He was hanged, 
drawn and quartered at St. Paul's Churchyard, February 
20, 1592. 
The next English College student to carry off the palm 
was JosePh Lampton, who was born at Malton in Yorkshire 
in 157 0 . He came to Rheims College in September 15 8 4, 
and was there five years, setting out for Rome on August 
18, 15 8 9. At his request, we are told, his course at the 
English College was shortened in order to allow him to 
hasten to the harvest of souls in England. He left on 
April 22, 1592, and on landing in England was almost 
immediately apprehended, cast into prison and tried for 
high treason because he was a priest. He suffered a savage 
and most horrible butchery at Newcastle-on-Tyne, July 
27, 1593, being cut down whilst still alive, and a felon from 
the prison, as a ransom for his own life, was appointed to 
carry out the barbarous task of disembowelling and quarter- 
ing the martyr. In the midst of his barbarous task he was 
filled with horror at what he was doing, and refused at all 
costs to continue. The sheriff was obliged to seek for another, 
whilst the sufferer, still living, with invincible patience and 
courage endured a torment that shocked all present. At 
length a butcher from a neighbouring village was brought 
who completed the ripping up and disembowelling. 
Father John Cornelius or Mohun was born of Irish 
parents in 1557 at Bodmin in Cornwall. Giving evidence of 
great abilities, Sir John Arundel sent him to Oxford, but 
his attachment to the Catholic religion made him go over 
to Rheims, which he entered September 26, 1579. He was 
already prepared for his theology, and so in February 15 80 
proceeded to Rome and entered the English College on 
April I of that year. He is said to have had exceptional 
abilities, and on the feast of St. Stephen, 1581, he was 
selected to make an address before the Pope in the Sistine 
Chapel. He was ordained priest and left for the Mission 
in 1583. 

Both before and after his arrival in Rome he was remark- 
able" for the holiness of his life, his earnest spirit of prayer 
and for the many voluntary mortifications he practised: ., 
and to these he added when in England, a zealous devotion 
to the work of his ministry. He was assiduous in preaching 
and catechising, in administering the Sacraments, in his 
care of the sick and poor, to whom he refused nothing which 
he had to give. He was treacherously arrested in the house 
of the widow of Sir John Arundel, and with him three lay- 
men, who were the companions of his martyrdom. Father 
Cornelius was at first examined at the sheriffs house and 
then sent to London, where he appeared before the Lord 
Treasurer and the Archbishop of Canterbury, who endeav- 
oured both by persuasions and torture to make him betray 
his fellow-Catholics. As their efforts were in vain, he was 
again conducted to Dorchester to take his trial. The three 
days preceding the assizes he spent almost without eating 
or sleeping, devoting himself wholly to prayer and exhorta- 
tions to his fellow-prisoners. The three laymen were 
brought to the bar at the same time. These were" the 
Venerable Thomas Bosgrave, a Cornish gentleman, whose 
offence was, that when Cornelius was hurried off to prison 
he had followed him to offer him his own hat, saying that 
such was his respect for his function that he could not see 
him carried away bare-headed; the Venerable John Carey 
and Patrick Salmon, natives of Dublin, who were appre- 
hended for being found in the company of Cornelius, when 
he was seized at Lady Arundel's house. 
" All were sentenced to death, the priest for high treason 
by reason of his character, and his companions for felony 
by assisting him: but all were assured that their lives 
would be spared, if they would conform to the Protestant 
religion. The first to suffer was John Carey, a man of 
remarkable courage. He kissed the rope as it was put 
round his neck, and exclaimed, I 0 precious collar,' and 
then made a profession of his faith. Patrick Salmon, the 
next, was greatly beloved for his virtues and before suffering 
admonished his friends and all those assenlbled, that the 
only way of securing their salvation was to embrace the 
Faith for which he died. Thomas Bosgrave, who followed, 



was a man of reading, and made a speech on the certainty 
of the Catholic Faith, which was listened to with attention 
and without contradiction on the part of the ministers who 
were present. 
H Lastly came the turn of Father Cornelius, who first 
kissed the feet of his companions hanging on the gallows, 
and then saluted the gibbet in the words of St. Andrew: 
c Oh, good cross, long desired.' He was not allowed to 
address the people, but took the opportunity of announcing 
that when in London he had been received into the Society 
of Jesus and that his seizure had prevented him going 
abroad for his novitiate. After hanging awhile he was cut 
down and quartered. II 1 He suffered on July 4, IS94. 
To this account may be added some details from his 
biography in the Records 5.J.2 cc The head placed at the 
top of the gallows crowned the triumph with which Father 
Cornelius, quitting the burthen of the flesh, flew joyfully 
to his heavenly reward. . . . The martyr's heaà was seen 
surrounded with rays of light, whence this precious relic 
came into the hands of the Catholics, having been taken 
down by order of the magistrates fifteen days after, at the 
desire of the people, who had suffered much in their crops 
from heavy storms, and remembered that they had already 
experienced this visitation on similar occasions." 
Another English College martyr in IS94 was John 
Ingram. He was the son of a \Varwickshire gentleman 
and was brought up a Protestant, being a student of New 
College, Oxford. He was, however, reconciled to the Church 
and expelled from his College for his recusancy. Upon 
this he went abroad, but on his way to Rheims from Douay 
he fell, with his companions, into the hands of soldiers. He 
managed, however, to escape, and reached Rheims on 
October 26, IS82. On April IS, IS83, he went for a tinle 
to the Jesuit College at Pont-à-11ousson. He entered the 
English Seminary at Rome in 1584, and received the minor 
Orders from Bishop Goldwell in the follo\\'Ìng year. He 
was ordained priest on December 3, IS89, and left the College 
for the English Mission in September 1591. His labours 
were in the north of England on the Scottish Border, and 
1 Menology, p. 306. 2 Vol. iii. series vii. p. 435. 


there he was arrested and sent to London. Whilst in the 
Tower he was several times submitted to torture in order 
to constrain him to betray his fellow-Catholics. As he 
maintained complete silence, it was decided to send him 
to be tried in the north. His trial was at Durham, and 
he was condemned to death at the same time as the martyr 
John Bost, but he was executed at Newcastle on July 25, 
On April 7, 1595, died as a martyr at York Father 
H enry WalPole, S.J. He was born of a very ancient 
family in Norfolk, his parents being pious Catholics, and 
having many sons of whom Henry was the eldest, being 
born in 1559. He was sent to study at both Oxford and 
Cambridge, and then betook himself to London to study 
law. He had studied many books of religious controversy, 
and was thus enabled to bring not a few into the Church, 
which brought him under the notice of the Government 
of Queen Elizabeth. In 1582, therefore, he determined to 
abandon the legal career, and went to study for the ChurcD, 
reaching Rheims on July 7 of that year. On the 2nd of 
March of the following year, 1583, he left Rheims for the 
English College in Rome, strongly recommended by Dr. 
Barret, the Rector. He received the sentence of death 
with joy, and suffered on the same day as Father Henry 
Rawlins, a student of Rheims, and immediately after him. 
They were dragged to the place of execution on the same 
Father Robert Southwell,S.]., who became a martyr for 
the Faith on February 21, 1595, although not a student of 
the English College, was for a time prefect of studies in the 
Venerabile and may thus find a place among its martyrs. 
Edward Thwing, who suffered martyrdom at Lancaster 
on July 26, 1600, was born at Thirsk near York. He studied 
at Rheims, and thence went to the English College at Rome 
in 1587. He returned to Rheims on account of his health 
before his ordination to the priesthood, which he received 
at Laon Decenlber 20, 1590, having been appointed to read 
philosophy at the College a few months previously. He 
subsequently taught Hebrew and Greek. One who was well 
acquainted with hinl at this time, describes his piety, meek- 



ness, patience and spirit of mortification, which caused him 
to be much beloved in the College. He suffered from ill- 
health, but, being sent over to England, he recovered and 
was able to do good work on the Mission. He was arrested 
and confined in Lancaster Castle, from which prison he 
wrote two letters to the President of Rheims, expressing his 
joy at the prospect of his speedy trial and certain con- 
demnation for his religion. He was judged to suffer death 
for his priesthood, and was executed together with Robert 
Nutter, another student of Rheims. 
The year 1601 gave another English College student to 
the roll of Christian heroes. This was Robert Middleton, 
who entered the College in 1597 at the age of twenty-six. 
He was born at York and made his early studies at Seville. 
He was ordained in Rome and was sent to England on 
April 20, 1598. He laboured mostly in Lancashire, where 
he was arrested, and being tried, was sent to execution at 
Lancaster with a former student of Rheims, the martyr 
Thurston Hunt. They were put to death with all the 
ties of high treason on l\'Iarch 31, 1601. It is reported 
that Robert Middleton as one of those euntes ad mortem 
was received into the Society by Father Henry Garnet, S.]., 
during his imprisonment in London. 
In the following year, 1602, two students of the Vener- 
abile gave their lives for the Faith. The first of these was 
Robert TYatkinson, alias }IV ilsOll, a native of York. He 
was admitted to the English College on October 3 1 , 1599, 
and received the minor orders. He went back to Rheims 
on account of his bad health, for which reason his ordina- 
tion was anticipated and he was made priest in 1602, 
going to England in the April of that year. In London, 
whilst he was under the care of a physician, he was betrayed 
by a false brother and condemned to death. The day 
before his apprehension, as he was walking in the street, 
he was met by a venerable man who saluted him in the 
name of Jesus, and said, "You seem to be troubled with 
many infirmities, but be of good cheer, for within four days 
all will be over." The circumstance seemed to be miracu- 
10us to those who were aware of it, considering how exactly 
the prediction was fulfilled. It is also related that, having 

contrived to celebrate Mass on the morning of his execution. 
the server at the altar. who was himself a prisoner for the 
Faith. perceived a bright light like a ray of glory playing 
about him. till at the time of Communion it rested on his 
head, and then disappeared. He suffered the usual cruel 
death at Tyburn on April 30. 1602. 
With him suffered another student of the College. 
Thomas Tichbourne. He was born at Hartley in Hampshire 
and went to Douay College in 1584. leaving it to finish his 
course at Rome in 1587. He was ordained priest on Ascen- 
sion Day 1592, and left for England two years later. He 
quickly fell into the hands of the persecuting Government 
officials. and for some years suffered imprisonment. till with 
the help of a cousin and a friend he managed to escape; his 
two abettors being captured and put to death for this deed. 
Not long afterwards, betrayed by a fallen priest, Tichbourne 
was again captured. brought to trial. and condemned to 
death for being a priest. He suffered martyrdom at the 
same time and place as Robert Watkinson. In their 
company Father Francis Page. S.].. also received the 
martyr's palm. 
I t was four years after these two that another English 
College student was called upon to give the supreme testi- 
mony of his blood to the Faith. Edward Oldcorne was a 
native of Yorkshire, born about the year 1561. He went 
to Rheims for his studies in August 1581. but was sent on 
to the English College in Rome in February of the follow- 
ing year. He there received Sacred Orders in the month 
of August 1587. and passed through Douay on his way to 
England on September 26. 1588. He had been received 
into the Society of Jesus, before leaving Rome U with a 
dispensation from the regular noviceship. in place of which 
his labours in the dangers of the Mission were to be counted." 
His chief work whilst in England was in Worcestershire, 
where, in the winter of 1605. he was seized at Hindlip Castle 
with Father Henry Garnett the martyr. his superior, 
and with Brothers Nicholas Owen and Ralph Ashley (also 
martyrs). He had laboured in the neighbourhood for seven- 
teen years with great zeal, and his many escapes from 
his persecutors seemed to be miraculous. On the dis- 



covery of the Gunpowder Plot, Father Garnett was specially 
sought for by the King's officers, and was finally discovered 
at Hindlip in the same hiding-place as Father Oldcorne. 
He denied all knowledge of the conspiracy, and there was no 
evidence against him, until Littleton, one of the con- 
spirators, in the hope of saving his own life, charged him 
with being one of the plotters; which accusation Littleton 
afterwards on the scaffold acknowledged to have been 
In 1610 the Venerable John Roberts suffered death for 
his religion. The DOllay Diary states that Mr. John Roberts 
came to Rheims in 1583, where he was confirmed and pro- 
ceeded to Rome in the August of the same year. He is 
entered in the College Diary as being adn1Ïtted to the 
Venerabile in that year and receiving minor orders from 
Bishop Goldwell. He was ordained priest in 1587, and 
then went to the English College at Valladolid, from which 
he joined the Spanish Benedictines, being professed at 
St. Martin's, Compostella. He returned to England to 
labour on the Mission, doing a great work for souls in the 
neigh bourhood of London. He was four times arrested, 
and as often returned and quietly resumed his former 
course of life. At length he was seized for the fifth time 
when vested for Mass, and in his sacred vestments was 
hurried away to a filthy dungeon. U He was condemned 
solely for his priestly character, but might have saved his 
life if he would have taken the newly proposed oath." He 
suffered at Tyburn December 10, 1610. 
Father Oldcorne was sent to Worcester for trial, and 
being condemned, suffered for the Catholic Faith, together 
with his companion, Brother Ashley, on Redhill, near 
\Vorcester, April 7, 1606. 
Six years later, viz. in 1612, two more alUl11,ni of the 
Venerabile were martyred for their religion. The first was 
Richard Smith, or as Bp. Challoner calls him, Richard 
Newport. He was born in Northamptonshire in 1572, 
and made his early studies at Douay. On September 30, 
1595, he was admitted to the English College and was 
ordained priest April 10, 1597. He came to England in 
1602, and proved to be a zealous missionary. He was one 


among the many priests banished for their religion in 1606 
after the Gunpowder Plot, and took this opportunity to 
revisit Rome. According to the Pilgrim Book, he arrived 
at the Hospice on March 17, 1607, remaining until April 
26, and he again returned and made the Spiritual Exercises 
for three days. He went <t to pour forth his prayers at 
the tombs of the Apostles in behalf of this afflicted Church," 
writes Challoner, "and to obtain of God by their interces- 
sion, grace and constancy for himself to fulfil his ministry 
among so many difficulties and dangers as he expected to 
meet with on his return to England." He managed to 
return to his country, but was again caught and again exiled, 
only to return once more to the post of danger. On his 
arrest for the third time he was kept in prison for seven 
months, and when brought to trial he at once owned him- 
self to be a priest, but denied all treason to his country, 
which he would in no way admit to attach to his priesthood. 
His condemnation followed as a matter of course, and the 
next day he was brought up, with Father William Scot, 
the Benedictine martyr, who had been previously found 
guilty, to hear his sentence. The next day, May 30, which 
was Whitsun Eve 1612, he was placed on the same hurdle 
as the Benedictine and dragged to Tyburn, where the 
sentence was carried out after the accustomed barbarous 
The second English College student to win the martyr's 
palm in 1612, was John Almond, known on the Mission by 
the aliases of M olÙzeux and Lathom. He was born at 
Allerton, near Liverpool, and received his early education 
at a school in Much W oolton in the same neighbourhood. 
At the age of twenty he came to Rome, and entered the 
English College on April 14, 1597. After being ordained 
he left for England in November 1602. He was arrested 
as a priest in 1612, and was examined by Dr. King, the 
Protestant Bishop of London. An account of the contro- 
versy which took place between them exists in the martyr's 
own handwriting. He was sent to Newgate, and some 
months later was tried and convicted of high treason, on 
the charge of being a priest. On the 5th of December, 1612, 
he was dragged to Tyburn for execution. "lIe was allowed 


14 1 

to speak to the people and distinctly professed his perfect 
allegiance to King James, adding that he could not take 
the oath on account of the insidious clauses which it con- 
tained. After this, followed another controversy with a 
minister in which the holy man was able to refute the false 
charges brought against him and his religion. He then 
ga ve a wa y all the money he possessed to the poor who stood 
around and to the executioner. He mentioned the hard 
usage he had met with in the dungeon called Little Ease, 
but freely forgave all. 
" The chief persecutor of this servant of God is said to 
have been Dr. King the Bishop, whose life from that time 
was one of sorrow, though before his death he sought and 
obtained reconciliation with the Church: an extraordinary 
grace, which we may well believe was obtained by the 
prayers of the martyr." 
In 1616 John Thulis, or Thules, an old student of the 
Venerabile, suffered n1artyrdom. He was born at Up- 
Holland in Lancashire, and came to Rheims in 11ay 1583, 
received the tonsure the same year, and left for Rome on 
March 27, 1590, being admitted to the English College 
on May 8 following. He was ordained in Rome, and on 
April 22, 1591, departed for the English :Mission. He was 
soon arrested, and for many years was confined at Wis- 
beach Castle. Having got out of prison, how or when is 
not recorded, he laboured for souls in his own county. 
Once during that time he was seized with a dangerous sick- 
ness and received the last Sacraments, when he had a revela- 
tion, which assured him that he was reserved for a more 
glorious death. 
By order of the Earl of Derby he was again arrested and 
sent to Lancaster Gaol. Whilst there he managed to escape 
with his fellow-martyr, Roger 'Vrenno; "but when morn- 
ing dawned and they supposed that they were many miles 
from the town, they discovered that they were almost 
close to the Castle. This satisfied them that it was God's 
will that they should suffer. 
At the trial Thulis was arrajgned for his priestly 
character and functions, and condemned to the penalties 
of high treason, and his execution was accordingly carried 

out on March 18, 1616. Ie Offers were repeatedly made 
to spare his life, if he would take King James' oath, which 
his conscience would not allow him to do. Several criminals 
were executed at the same time, four of whom he had the 
consolation of reconciling to God and the Church." 
After this, it was not till 1642 that the next College 
student received the crown of his life service for God. 
This was John Lockwood, or Lascelles. He was the son 
of Christopher Lockwood of Soulsby in Yorkshire, and 
according to the English College Diary was born in 1565. 
He inherited a considerable estate, but determined to devote 
himself to the service of God as a missionary priest. He 
was admitted to the English College in Rome in 1595, and 
was ordained priest January 26, 1597, leaving for England 
in 1598. After his return to his native country he was 
twice imprisoned for the Faith, and in 1610 was banished. 
He returned almost immediately to his labours, but was 
again caught, and this time was condemned to death, though 
repneved and subsequently released. When he had reached 
a very advanced age he was again taken by the pursuivants 
at the house of a Mrs. Catenby at Woodend in Yorkshire, 
and carried to York. So great was the cruelty with which 
the old man was treated on the journey as to call for the 
compassionate protest of those who witnessed it. and who 
continued to speak about it long afterwards. His priest- 
hood being proved against him, the sentence of death fol- 
lowed as a matter of course, and he was sentenced to suffer 
with Mr. Catherick, a fellow-priest. King Charles I had 
granted them a reprieve, but soon withdrew it to satisfy 
the clamours of Parliament, and signed the warrant for 
their execution, which took place on April 13, 1642, whilst 
the King was staying with the Prince of 'Vales at the Manor 
in York. 
The sheriff had ordered :Mr. Catherick to nlount the ladder 
first, but his venerable companion, Father Lockwood, think- 
ing that Ie he perceived in his countenance signs of the 
natural fear of death, stepped forward and insisted on it, 
as the privilege of his years, that the first turn should be 
given to himself, and having spoken words of tender 
cncouragement to his fellow-martyr and pronounced a 



touching prayer in their common names, offered himself 
as the first victim. . . . The sentence was carried out with 
more than usual barbarity and the venerable heads of the 
martyrs were fixed on different gates of the city. That 
of Lockwood was so placed, that the King must have seen 
it every time he left the palace, as it was upon the north 
gate called Bootham Bar close by." 
This same year, 1642, suffered at Tyburn for his religion 
Fr. Edward 
f organ, or Singleton. He was born at Beltis- 
field in the parish of Hanmer, Flintshire, and was a convert 
of Father John Bennet, the Apostle of Wales. At the age 
of sixteen he was taken into the family of Walter Fowler, 
a convert, and brought up with his two sons, one of whom 
subsequently became a student of the College. They 
frequented a school in Stafford, after which he was sent 
by his benefactor to St. Omer's College, coming in 1606 
to Rome. He afterwards entered the novitiate of the 
Society, but had to leave on account of his health. He 
then went to Valladolid and was ordained priest at Sala- 
manca, and went to the English Mission. After devoting 
some time to his n1issionary duties, he was apprehended, 
and passed the last Ie fourteen or fifteen years of his life in 
the Fleet prison, where he suffered from want and the 
loathsomeness of the place. He was at length brought to 
trial and condemned solely because he was a priest. After 
the sentence he was visited by many Catholics and non- 
Catholics, all of whom were greatly edified by his tranquillity 
and holy joy. . . . 
Ie The holy man found means to celebrate Mass the day 
before his execution; and falling into a sort of ecstasy was 
favoured with such sweetness and consolation that it was 
with difficulty he could proceed with the sacred rite. This 
he imparted to a Jesuit who came to visit him in the course 
of the day; and when the same father asked him whether 
anything could be done for his comfort, he said that he 
had been constrained to contract a debt of f22, which it 
would greatly relieve him to have paid. This charitable 
man accordingly so exerted himself that he was able to 
collect the whole sum by the next day. On that day 
(April 26, 1642) the road from the prison to Tyburn was 



crowded with spectators, and it was with difficulty that 
the gallows could be approached, and all treated him with 
singular respect. He was permitted to speak to the people, 
which he did at some length, though often interrupted by 
the minister, and took occasion to argue in favour of the 
true Church. He gave up his soul to God with great 
devotion and joy." 1 
The Venerable Briant Cansfield, another College student, 
died in 1643, from the ill-treatment he received on account 
of his priestly character. He came to the Venerabile at 
the age of nineteen, in 1601, and was born at Robert Hall, 
Lancashire. In 1604 he entered the Society of Jesus, and 
returning to England as a Jesuit missionary, spent many 
years in Apostolic labours in the Yorkshire District. He 
was seized by the officers of the Crown whilst saying Mass, 
cruelly beaten and cast into the prison of York Castle. 
He died August 3, 1643, shortly after his discharge, from 
the effects of his ill-treatment. 
In 1645 Father Henry Morse, alias Claxton, gave the 
supreme testimony of his blood to the Faith. He was 
born in Norfolk of Protestant parents, but becoming con- 
vinced of the claims of the Catholic Church whilst a young 
student of law at the Inns of Court, he crossed over to Douay, 
where he was received into the Church, and thence went to 
Ronle, and was admitted to the English College December 
27, 1618. He was ordained at the College, and having 
" finished his studies with great proficiency," left for the 
English Mission in June 1624- Almost immediately upon 
his landing in his native land, he was seized at Newcastle, 
and during his imprisonment, which lasted for three years, 
was received into the Society of Jesus. He was finally 
banished, but returned to England as soon as possible. 
During the plague of 1636-7 he took charge of no fewer 
than 400 infected families, and was the means of reconcil- 
ing many to the Church. After this he was again banished 
but once more returned, was caught, and died a martyr's 
death at Tyburn, February I, 1645. 
John Farrington, or fV oodcock, who was only at the 
English College for a short time in 1629, suffered martyrdom 
1 Menology, p. 18 3_ 



in Lancashire in 1646. He was born at Leyland, and brought 
up at Clayton in Lancashire, his father being a Protestant 
and his mother a Catholic. He studied for a year at St. 
Omer's when he was about twenty years of age, and was 
admitted to the English College on October 20, 1629, but 
six months later he returned to France and entered the 
Franciscan Order. He received the habit from Father Paul 
Heath in 1631, and made his profession in the hands of 
Father Francis Bell, both of whom were subsequently 
martyrs. For a time he remained at Douay, but on hearing 
of the martyrdom of Father Paul Heath in 1643, Wood- 
cock was fired with the wish to proceed to England himself. 
This was allowed him, and he landed at Newcastle with the 
intention of making his way to Lancashire; but the very 
first night he was seized as a priest and committed by a 
magistrate to Lancaster Castle. He had to wait for two 
years for his trial, and suffered greatly from the austerities 
of his prison. He was condemned on his own confession 
of his priestly character, together with two priests his 
companions, the Rev. Edward Bamber, alias Reading, 
and Thomas Whittaker, and he was executed on the follow- 
ing day, August 7, 1646. The circumstances attending his 
execution were singularly cruel and indicative of the time. 
Being flung off the ladder, the rope broke, and he fell to 
the ground perfectly sensible: he was ordered to be drawn 
up again, and the second time was cut down and butchered 
Father ] ohn tVall was the son of a Lancashire gentle- 
man, who sent him when young to be educated at Douay 
College. He came to the English College in Rome in 16 4 1 , 
and was ordained priest December 3, 1645. He became a 
Franciscan in 1651, and arrived in England in 1654, where 
for twelve years he laboured on the missions in Worcester- 
shire. He was seized during the Oates Plot at the house 
of Mr. Finch, near Bromsgrove. Refusing to take the con- 
demned oath of supremacy, he was committed to Worcester 
Gaol in December 1678. His trial took place at the Summer 
Assizes, and being condemned for his priesthood was hanged 
at Redhill, near Worcester, on August 22, 1679. 
In the previous year, 1678, Edmund f.lico, alias Baines, 

14 6 


died in prison for the Faith. He was admitted to the 
College as a convictor in r647- In r648 he took the oath 
and received minor orders, but left the Venerabile on 
March 28, r650, for Watten, to be admitted into the Society 
of Jesus. After labouring on the English Mission with 
great fruit, he was marked out as a special victim in the 
Oates Plot. He was arrested, whilst ill in bed, by Oates 
in person accompanied by a band of soldiers, at the house of 
the Spanish Ambassador, to whom he acted as Chaplain. 
He received severe injuries, inflicted by blows of the soldiers' 
muskets, and when he was able to be removed he was thrust 
into prison at Newgate. Here he died from his sufferings 
about December 3, r678, being found dead upon his knees, 
oppressed by the weight of his irons. 
David Lewis, generally known as Charles Baker, was 
the son of Mr. Morgan Lewis, Master of the Royal Grammar 
School, Abergavenny. His mother was a Catholic, and 
David was reconciled to the Church at the age of nineteen. 
Two years later he entered the English College in Rome 
and received the minor orders on July 20, r642, he was 
ordained priest and joined the Jesuits in r645. He was 
sent on the English Mission the following year, but was 
soon recalled to Rome to fill the post of Spiritual Father 
in his old College. He returned to his missionary work in 
r648, and for twenty-eight years he "zealously toiled in 
those rough missions" of the South Wales District, " visit- 
ing the persecuted Catholics by night and always making 
his circuits on foot. His paternal affection to the poor 
was so great, that he was commonly styled the I Father of 
the Poor.''' On November r7, r678, he was captured whilst 
preparing to offer up the Holy Mass, committed to Usk 
Gaol, brought to trial for his priesthood at the Monmouth 
Spring Assizes, and executed at Usk August 27, r679. 


IN addition to those who gave the supreme testimony, by 
laying down their lives for their religion, the English College 
during the first years of its existence furnished a goodly 
number of Confessors of the Faith to the Church. The 
students went forth from the Venerabile with all the courage 
of heroes, in the expectation, if not of receiving the martyr's 
crown, at least of suffering persecution and hardships in 
the exercise of their ministry to the persecuted Catholics 
of England. Many of them had, even before coming to 
the College, experienced the rigours of imprisonment and 
even of torture inflicted upon their youthful bodies for the 
sole reason of their being determined to practise the religion 
of their forefathers. Several, too, had been captured by 
heretics even when they had escaped from England and 
were on their way to Rome to study for the priesthood, and 
they had been cast into prison and had been made to undergo 
privations of every kind for their religion, before they had 
escaped from the hands of their persecutors. Thus they 
came to the Venerabile already Confessors for conscience' 
sake, and they brought with them the spirit of men, who 
had already proved their will if necessary to die for their 
religion. We have the testimony of those who ruled them 
in those early days, that, as a body, the alumni of the 
venerable English College were animated solely by a desire 
to prepare themselves for the perilous mission before them. 
Many of them, as we have seen, sacrificed their lives in 
this cause. :Many more found themselves in prison, and 
were made to suffer torments and even tortures for it. 
Some were seized almost on their landing in their na ti ve 
country; others after having been hunted by priest-catchers 
from place to place, and denounced by spies and false 

brethren. Thus they lived ever in peril of capture, which 
they a voided more from their desire to serve the poor 
Catholic people of England, who were in dire need of the 
consolations of religion, than from any wish to escape from 
the hands of those who sought their lives. 
An examination of the Diary of the English College 
reveals the fact that the number of these Confessors of the 
Faith was hardly less than a hundred. Probably it was 
considerably more, since our records of the lives of the 
priests, who went from the College to England, chiefly 
relate to those who, either in Rome after they had finished 
their course or subsequently, entered the Society of Jesus. 
The Jesuit Superiors of the College had naturally the oppor- 
tunity of gathering information concerning their own men, 
which they did not possess in the case of those who remained 
seculars. With regard to the latter, therefore, their heroism 
in the face of persecution is known only to God; but it is 
only reasonable to suppose that the same spirit which 
animated the Jesuit Fathers, would likewise animate the 
secular missionaries, since they had both imbibed it in 
their student days at the English College. 
Though it would occupy too much space in a history of 
the College to detail all the instances of the sufferings short 
of death endured by old alumni of the Venera bile, some 
examples may be given in these pages. 
It was in 1580 that, as we have already seen, the first 
band, consisting of twenty-eight missioners, was dispatched 
to England. Of these six became nlartyrs. Of the rest 
Richard Haydock, brother of George Haydock subse- 
quently martyred, suffered imprisonment for the Faith, but 
did not receive the crown. Subsequently he died in Rome 
in 1605 and was buried in the old College church. 
His will is still preserved in the College Archives (Chron., 
vol. vi. p. 341). It is written on two foolscap sheets. 
He "commends his soul to the Most Holy Trinity, the Blessed 
Virgin Mary, St. :Michael the Archangel, his patron, and to 
all the Court of Heaven. He directs that his body be 
buried at the entrance to the altar of our Lady in the Church 
of the English College, to which after certain legacies he 
queaths the residue of his property. He wishes that a 



marble slab be placed upon his grave, with his name and 
degree carved upon it." 
Another of his companions, Martin A rray, escaped at 
first, but in 1586 was captured and cast into prison. He 
was set at liberty by means of a money payment, escaping 
the supreme penalty, and, as it is said, f{ had favour to be 
banished," though he remained and worked as a priest in 
the north of England. 
A third of the first band of missioners was Jonah M ere- 
dith. He had been ordained at Douay, and went to England 
in 1576, where he was captured and sent to prison as a 
priest. He was, however, released and escaped abroad to 
Douay, whence he went to Rome as a theological student 
on the first foundation of the College. He returned to the 
English Mission in 1580, and managed to escape capture 
till 1585, when he was seized by the priest-hunters, im- 
prisoned and banished. He returned for the third time, 
and was again caught, and was in the Gatehouse Prison, 
Westminster, in 1587. 
The fourth member of the body of missioners leaving 
Rome in 1580 was Leonard Hyde. He had come as a 
priest, like Jonas Meredith, to Rome in 1579, and had left 
it in 1580. He escaped capture at first, and we find, accord- 
ing to the Pilgrim Book, that he accompanied Sir Geoffrey 
Pole and his son, with their attendant, Peter Hyde, a brother 
of the priest, on a pilgrimage to Rome in 1582. Returning 
to England in 1583, he was captured as a priest and was 
still imprisoned in the Tower of London in 1585. In 15 8 6-7 
he is entered as f{ a bad fellow " in the list of prisoners in 
Newgate. He was removed to Wisbeach dungeons, and 
was there in 1591. In 1603 he was renloved to Framling- 
ham Gaol, and banished the kingdom on the accession of 
James I. 
William Harrison, the third and last Archpriest
one of the band of forty-six priests who were sent to England, 
of whom the names of thirteen are to be seen on the list 
of martyrs. He is said in the College Diary to have been 
imprisoned for his religion, but the details are wanting. 
Another of the glorious band of missioners which set 
out in 1581 was Edward RishtoJl, a native of Lancashire, 

15 0 


who was tried and condemned to death with Father Edmund 
Campion. He was reprieved and suffered imprisonment in 
the Tower of London till his banishment from England in 
15 8 5. He wrote the valuable U Diary of Events in the 
Tower," and also contributed a supplement to Sander's 
History of the English Schism. He died an exile for the 
Faith on June 29 of the same year, 1585. 
A rthur Pitt was also sent to the English Mission in 1581, 
and very shortly after his arrival was seized and confined 
for his religion in the Tower, where he and George Haydock, 
the martyr, are described as U little men of great courage." 
He was banished with many other priests from this prison 
in 1585, and in 1596 is said to have been in Lorraine. 
William Thedder came to the College in Rome from 
Douay at the age of twenty-two, and after his ordination 
left for the English Mission on November 13, 1582. Dr. 
Barret, writing from Rheims, March 13, 1583, to Father 
Agazzari, the Rector of the English College, speaks of him 
as being then in prison for the Faith. He was probably 
the William Cedder whom Challoner names in the list of 
priests exiled from their dungeons in January 1585. 
William Bishop went to England in 1582, and after 
suffering a painful imprisonment for his priesthood was 
banished in 1585, but returned at once to his missionary 
labours. According to Dodd, he was a son of John Bishop 
of Brayles, Warwickshire. Though a Catholic, he was sent 
to Oxford in 1570. Subsequently he came to the English 
College in Rome, where he was ordained. He then pro- 
ceeded to the Mission. At some time, possibly during his 
banishment, he took his degree of D.D. at Paris, and on 
June 4, 162 3, was consecrated Bishop of Chalcedon for 
England, and arrived in that country on July 31. He was 
constrained to live in London very quietly, because of the 
Government persecution of Catholics, and died at Bishop's 
Court, near London, on April 16, the year after his arrival. 
ChristoPher Thulis, or Thules, came to the English 
College at the age of nineteen, and was sent to the Mission 
in 1585. He was soon captured by the persecutors, and 
was in the Gatehouse Prison, Westminster, in the following 
year. He was probably an elder brother of another Engljsh 



College student, John Thulis, who suffered martyrdom at 
Lancaster in 1616. 
John Bolton, a fellow-student in Rome of the last-named 
Confessor for the Faith, went with him to England in 1585. 
He was seized and incarcerated in Wisbeach Castle, and in 
a subsequent list of priests in London prisons "mete for 
banishment," John Bolton's name appears as being in the 
Marshalsea with seventeen other priests. 
RalPh Bickley entered the College in 1579 at the age of 
twenty-two. He was a native of Hampshire. He went on 
the English Mission in April 1589. He spent most of his 
life in various prisons, and, probably about the end of 1597, 
was received into the Society of Jesus. In 1618, at the 
intercession of the Spanish Ambassador he was released 
fron1 confinement and taken by him as an exile with several 
other Jesuit Fathers to the Continent, where he shortly 
afterwards died, probably by reason of his long imprison- 
ment endured for the Faith. 
Thomas Lister was a student in the College for six years, 
and, after his ordination, with the licence of the Cardinal 
Protector he joined the Jesuits in 1583. He was a fellow- 
novice of Father Vitelleschi, afterwards General of the 
Society. He was a brilliant student, and in August 1581 
publicly defended theses in philosophy, and in 1592 won his 
doctor's cap at Pont-à-Mousson. He laboured in England 
in the company of Father Edward Oldcorne the martyr, 
in the Worcester District. He was arrested, imprisoned 
and subsequently banished from England with forty-five 
other priests in 1606. 
William Smith, who came from Yorkshire, entered the 
Venerabile in 1579. After his ordination he was sent on 
the English Mission, in September 1581, together with forty- 
six other priests, thirteen of whom gave their lives for the 
Faith. He was captured and was sent from prison into 
banishment in 1585 with many other priests, but ventured 
to return again in 1590 at the risk of his life. 
John Tippets, a youth, was already a Confessor for the 
Faith when he entered the English College in 1580. He 
was a native of Cornwall, and was seized for his known 
adherence to the old religion in London in 1579. He was 

15 2 


brought before the Protestant Bishop of London. who was 
unable to shake his constancy. Whereupon. as is noted in 
a letter in the Douay Diary. It the Bishop and Recorder. 
being outrageously moved against him, contrary to all law 
and justice. condemned him to be whipped at the cart's 
tail and to be bored through the ear with a hot iron." The 
sentence was executed and borne with exemplary patience. 
He was imprisoned in Newgate until :May the 18th. when he 
regained his liberty. and pass;ng through Ðouay. reached 
Rome early in 1580. After his ordination at the College 
in 1584, he entered the Carthusian Order and died in religion. 
ChristoPher Southworth entered the College at the same 
time as the last-named (1580). and was ordained priest by 
Bishop Goldwell in 1583. He was the son of a noble Con- 
fessor for the Faith. Sir John Southworth. and the brother 
of the martyr John Southworth. who suffered at Tyburn 
June 28. 1654. He was sent on the English Mission in 
1586. and was apprehended as a priest almost immediately 
after reaching the country. He appears in the Counter 
Prison in 1587, and was thence transferred to the dungeons 
of Wisbeach Castle. In 1598 he was removed to the Gate- 
house Prison. Westminster. 
Oswald Tesi1nond entered the Venerabile as a youth of 
seventeen years in 1580. and after his ordination. by leave 
of the Cardinal Protector Morone he entered the Society 
of Jesus in 1584. He landed in England in March 1598. 
and for eight years assisted Fr. Oldcorne. the martyr. in his 
missionary labours. He was falsely accused of complicity 
in Cecil's Gunpowder Plot. but escaped ca pture in a vic- 
tualling boat to Calais. He died at Naples in 1635. 
Philip Woodward. born in the diocese of Norwich. was 
admitted to the English College in 1581 with several other 
students. two of whom subsequently were crowned with 
martyrdom. He was ordained in the College chapel by 
Bishop Goldwell in 1583, but. being a student in theology 
and languages. did not proceed to the English Mission till 
1595. In 1606 he was sent into banishment with forty-six 
other priests taken out of various dungeons in the country. 
He retired to Douay. and became Professor of Hebrew and 
Controversy. He is probably the priest mentioned in 



Father Gerard's autobiography where he says: It I gave 
the spiritual exercises to some others in that house before 
I gave it up, among whom was a pious and good priest 
named Woodward, who also found a vocation to the Society, 
and afterwards passed into Belgium with the intention of 
entering it; but as there was a great want of English priests 
in the army at the time, he was appointed to that work, 
and died in it, greatly loved and reverenced by all." He 
was the author of several anonymous pieces of controversy, 
and his death is said to have occurred at Lyons in 1610. 
] ohn Green came to the College in 1581, but after a year 
his health broke down and he was transferred to Rheims, 
where he was ordained in 1585 and was sent to England at 
once. He was soon arrested, and was in the Counter Prison 
in 1586, whence he was removed to the dungeons of Wis- 
beach Castle. A spy describes him at Wisbeach as It a 
Seminary priest, a very obstinate perverse man and a 
traitorous seducer of Her Majesty's subjects, and a great 
defender of the Pope's Supremacy." He was probably 
sent from Wisbeach to Framlingham Prison. 
Thomas Stanney was ordained at the College in 1585, 
and left for the English :Mission in June 15 86 . In 1597 he 
entered the Society of Jesus, and, two years later, was again 
sent to England. In 1603, whilst acting as chaplain to the 
Countess of Arundel, he was seized and imprisoned in the 
Gatehouse, Westminster. In 1606, with forty-six other 
priests, he was banished. The martyr, Swithun Wells, Esq., 
who was savagely murdered opposite his own door in 
Holborn, near Gray's Inn, London, on December 10, 159 1 , 
was his friend and penitent. Father Stanney died at St. 
Omer's College, May z8, 1617. It A man adorned with 
every virtue." 
William Wright was a youth of eighteen years when he 
came to Rome in 1581. He never took the mission oath, 
and very shortly after his admission became a Jesuit. He 
became a Doctor of Divinity, and for many years taught 
Philosophy and Theology at Vienna and Gratz. After 
twenty years he went to labour in England, and in 1606 
was captured at Hengrave Hall by the persecutors. He 
was cast into the White Lion Prison, in London, from which 


he subsequently escaped, and laboured for many years on 
the mission of Leicester, dying January 18, 1639. 
William Chaddock was admitted to the Venerabile in 
1582, and having been ordained in 1586, was sent to Eng- 
land. He was forthwith taken and confined in Wisbeach 
Castle. On the accession of James I in 1603, he was 
removed to Framlingham Prison and thence sent into 
Oliver Almond, who came to the College with the last- 
named and received Holy Orders in 1587, proceeded later 
to England by way of Spain. He was hunted for by the 
Government officials, and had to have recourse to many 
expedients to evade capture. In a report by Robert 
Weston, a Government spy, it is said: U Item, Olivar 
Almon is a prest, and did leye at :Mr. Wynchcombe in 
Barkshire, nere Newbery, the name is Henwicke. Yf he 
be not in the hoose, there is a grat (tree) wherein he is 
hyden; hee is a lette man." In another part of the report 
we read: II As you go forth of :Mr. Wynchcombe's house 
towards Newberry, in the first close withoute the gate, 
upon the lefte hand in the heg-row, there is a grat oake 
that is hollow, and be knocking upon it you shall fynd it 
to sounde. . . ." 
Edll'lund Calverly was ordained at the College in 1585, 
and left for England the same year. He is named in the 
Douay Diary as a youth of high family, who accompanied 
Mr. Vavasour from England to Douay September 29, 158r. 
In 1586-7 he was among the prisoners in Wisbeach Castle. 
William Bawden (or Baldwin) came to the College in 
1583, and, after his ordination in 1588, he entered the 
Society of Jesus. Before coming to Rome, he had studied 
for five years at Oxford, and subsequently at Rheims, 
where his master was the future martyr, Father Cornelius. 
He was an heroic sufferer for his religion, was cruelly tor- 
tured, and spent many years in the Tower of London. He 
died at St. Omer's on September 28, 1632. 
Richard Dudley, a native of Westmoreland, came to the 
English College at the same time as the last-named, and, 
being ordained with him, left for the English Mission in 
15 8 9. He is mentioned in the Jesuit Records as being 



among the number of priests betrayed and arrested by the 
apostate' Atkinson. I< Having many solicitors in his behalf 
he was soon and secretly released." 
Robert Gray, of the diocese of Durham, came to the College 
at the age of twenty-two in October 1584, and received 
Sacred Orders in November 1586, being sent into England 
the following year. He is named in a schedule of Recusants 
who are at large, signed by Grindall, Bishop of London, and 
other I< Commissioners," and in another list he is noted as 
I< Robert Gray, priest, much supported at Sir Thomas 
Fitzherbert's and now wandering (about Staffordshire and 
Lancashire very seditiously). A man meet to be looked 
to." In 1593 he is reported as being in custody and under 
A rthur Stafford, who came to the College in 1585, and 
was ordained in November 1586, went to England in Sep- 
tember 1588. In r637 he was confined in the Gatehouse, 
Westminster, having been tracked by the Government spies 
and pursuivants employed for the purpose of I< the arrest, 
condemnation and execution of priests and Jesuits." 
Robert Tempest, of the diocese of Durham, came to 
Rome in 1585, but left, before his ordination in October 
1589, for Rheims, where he was ordained in 1591. He was 
in Paris in 1590, where apparently he took his degree as 
Doctor of Divinity. In 1600 he went to the English 
Mission and was seized as a priest in 1612. After passing 
two years in prison he was released on bail and allowed 
to live with his brother-in-law in Hampshire on parole. 
In 1624 he became a Jesuit, and died in Hampshire July 13, 
16 4 0 . 
Richard Banks, after finishing his studies at the English 
College, was ordained priest in 1592, and proceeded to 
England in 1594. Dr. Oliver states that I< he was one of 
the tumultuous faction in the English College, Rome, but 
that upon going to the English Mission, he was so cap- 
tivated with the charity, meekness and patience of the 
good Fathers of the Society, that to repair his fault he 
humbly sought admission amort them." He became the 
con1panion of Fr. Oldcorne, the martyr, and was Rector 
of the house at Clerkenwell at the time of its seizure by 

the pursuivants by order of the Privy Council in l628, when 
with other Jesuit Fathers and Brothers he was made a 
prisoner. After a long imprisonment endured for the Faith, 
his constitution was so undermined that he was sent to 
Belgium, and died at Ghent March l4, l643. 
Edward Cole came to Rome from Rheims as a subdeacon, 
was ordained at the College, and left for England in l590. 
In a list of priests and Jesuits captured by the pursuivants 
from l640 to l65l, his name appears among those (( indicted, 
proved and sent beyond the sea." 
George Smith was ordained priest at the College on 
December 3, l5 8 9. The Douay Diary states that in l584 
he arrived at Rheims, that he was a skilful musician, and 
was sent on to Rome in l587. In l603-8 in an inquisition 
before the Lord Chief Baron and Justice Fenner, as to 
recusants in the County of Devon, .. one Smith, a seminary 
priest, was convicted of treason and one Richard Eveleighe 
convicted of felony, 'for maintaining and relieving him, and 
they both are reprieved, and so remain in prison." 
Edward Coffin, alias Hatton, was a native of Exeter, born 
in l570. He came to the College in l588, and was sent into 
England May lO, l594. In l598 he petitioned to join the 
Society of Jesus, and was on his way to pass his novitiate 
in Belgium when he was seized by the Dutch at Lillo 
near Antwerp, and sent back to England. He was im- 
prisoned and passed his novitiate and the first five years 
of his religious life in prison, first in Newgate and then at 
Framlingham Castle, when he was banished the country 
in l603. He subsequently spent twenty years in Rome as 
Confessor of the English College. At the end of this time 
he begged to be sent back again to the English Mission, 
but died on his way, at St. Omer's, April l7, l626. 
Henry Pugh was already a Confessor of the Faith when 
he came to the College in l589 at the age of twenty-six. 
Dodd, quoting Bridgewater's Concertatio and the Douay 
Diaries, writes of him: (( Henry Pugh, a gentleman of 
Flintshire, who being committed prisoner to the county 
gaol for recusancy, suffered very much both before and 
after the year l584. He was several times put to the rack, 
till he became speechless and almost senseless, and as he 



came to himself the trial was renewed. Several ensnaring. 
questions were proposed to him. Who reconciled him? 
What priest he was acquainted with? What houses he 
frequented? etc. But no satisfactory answer could be 
obtained frOln him, being encouraged by the example of 
Mr. Bennett, a zealous priest, prisoner in the same gaol. 
:Mr. Pugh, being brought to trial, was acquitted." After 
his acquittal he probably escaped at once to Rheims. 
Henry Pugh died at the College August 10, 1592, having 
been allowed to take the simple vows of the Society by the 
Father-General a few years before. 
] ohn Percy was ordained priest at the College on March 10, 
1593, and went a year later to Flanders to become a Jesuit. 
Whilst a student he showed conspicuous abilities, and de- 
fended publicly all the theses of Theology. He was reputed 
a very learned man, and became a celebrated controver- 
sialist. He held a famous dispute on religion with Dr. 
Fealty and others before King James I, and received into 
the Church the Countess of Buckingham, her son Viscount 
Purbeck, and many other members of distinguished families 
during his Apostolic missionary labours. He also convinced 
the unhappy Chillingworth of the truth of the Catholic 
religion, and was the means of his becoming a Catholic. 
During the course of his nlÌnistry he endured long im- 
prisonments for his Faith, and died in London December 3, 
16 4 1 . 
John Yate was admitted to the English College in 1590, 
and after a year went to Rheims for his ordination. He 
left for England in the same year, 1591, and is believed to 
be the same priest who is named in the Fasti of the Society 
for the year 1624. "John Yate, a priest, a septuagenarian,! 
was admitted into the Society in articulo mortis, having 
exhibited to all, both as a freeman and as a prisoner for 
the Faith, an example of modesty and piety." 
Edward Tempest entered the Venerabile at the same 
time as the last-named, and was ordained :March 19, 1594, 
but did not go to England until 1597. 'fwo years later 
he was already a prisoner in the Clink, London, as appears 
1 He is stated to have been forty-one when he entered the College in 
1590, and so would have been seventy-five in 1624. 

from a list of prisoners in that year, and from a letter 
\"Titten to the Archpriest Blackwell from that prison on 
January 15, 1590. He had been captured ten days before 
by the apostate Sacheverall. 
Francis Montford at the age of twenty-four was admitted 
to the College in 1590, and having received Sacred Orders, 
was sent to the English :Mission in 1592. Dodd in his 
Church History states that" Francis l\lonford, a missionary 
priest, educated in the English College, Rome, was tried, 
condemned to death and suffered at London, 1592." Dr. 
Worthington's Catalogue of Martyrs is his authority, but 
his name does not appear in Bishop Challoner's Memoirs. 
Sylvester Norris was a native of Somerset, and came to 
Rome in 1590. After completing his theological studies 
and taking his degree of D.D., he left for England in 1596. 
He was arrested in the Cecil Gunpowder Plot, and was 
committed to Bridewell, but was subsequently released 
and sent into banishment with forty-six other priests in 
1606. He proceeded to Rome, and was there received into 
the Society of Jesus, returning subsequently to the English 
Mission. He was one of the disaffected scholars in 1596, 
and was probably transferred to Douay in consequence of 
Cardinal Sega's Report. He served the English Mission 
with great zeal, was much esteemed as a preacher, and 
wrote several controversial works. He died March 16, 1630. 
] ohn Floyd was a fellow-student of the last-named, and 
took the oath with Henry Clithero, son of the glorious 
martyr Margaret Clithero, in 1590. Two years later, with 
leave of the Cardinal Protector he joined the Jesuits, and 
was certainly at work in England before 1605; for in that 
year, going by stealth to visit the martyr Father Oldcome 
in the condemned cell in Worcester Gaol, he was discovered 
and detained in prison for a year, after which he was 
banished with forty-six other priests in 1606. He finally 
became Professor of Theology at Louvain, and died suddenly 
at St. Omer's September 16, 1649. 
HumPhrey Sicklemore was admitted to the College in 
1591. In 1603 he was in England and in prison as a priest 
at Framlingham Castle. John Healey, a servant of Launcelot 
Carnaby, Esq., in his evidence against him, states "that 



he had been present at many l\lasses with the said Launcelot 
Carnaby, his master, at his house at Halton, Northumber- 
land, since Michaelmas last; which :Masses were said some- 
times by Sicklemore, the priest, sometimes by one Southern, 
a priest, and one by Father Holtby, a Jesuit, and divers 
times both heard Mass at the house of Robert Errington, 
of Limell, Northumberland, where Sicklemore was ordinarily 
entertained." Father Sicklen10re is included in the list of 
priests sent into banishment on the accession of James I. 
Francis Robinson was the son of John Robinson of 
Fernsby, Yorkshire, who, on becoming a widower, entered 
the ecclesiastical state, and, being ordained priest at Rheims, 
was sent to England. He was seized at the port at which 
he landed, and being tried and condemned for his priest- 
hood, suffered at Ipswich October I, 1588. His son Francis 
came to the College in 1592, and after his ordination was 
sent to England in 1597. He was soon discovered and 
arrested, and seen1S to have remained in prison till his 
banishment in 1603. He went to Douay, but quickly 
returned to his work for souls in England. He is recorded 
as "a seminary priest in the Durham district in 1632." 
[iugh lVitoff was admitted to the College in 1593. He is 
named as one of the disaffected students and was in con- 
sequence sent to Douay, where he was ordained in 1599. 
In the list of forty-seven priests banished from various 
prisons in 1606, the name of Hugh Whitall appears, and 
Br. Foley says this" is no doubt the same person." 
Thomas Cornforth, who is described in the Diary as 
having" always behaved admirably in the College," was 
ordained priest in 1597, and was sent to England two years 
later. He entered the Society of Jesus whilst on the lVlission 
in 1600. Becoming chaplain to the Vaux family, he was 
captured at the altar whilst saying Mass and imprisoned. 
He died at Liége May 14, 1640. 
Thomas Hill arrived in Rome in February 1593 from 
Rheims. He was ordained in 1594 and sent to the English 
Mission in 1597. He is named in the Records S.]. as 
ha ving been U seized in a search in London by Sir Anthony 
Ashley, one of the cletks of the Council, aided by the 
apostate Atkinson" (1602). He is considered by Br. Foley as 



being the same person mentioned by Dodd as U an eminent 
minister of the Church of England, and D.D., who, becoming 
a Catholic towards the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's 
reign, made his motives public in a written book, A Quarter- 
nion of Reasons, 1604. Several pens were taken up against 
his work, anlong others by George Abbot, afterwards 
Archbishop of Canterbury." Bishop Challoner states in 
his Memoirs that he was a D.D. and a Benedictine monk, 
and that he was condemned to death in 1612 for being a 
priest. He was, however, reprieved and died at Douay in 
16 44. 
William J\T aylor came to Rome from Rheims in 1594. 
Dodd, writing from a MS. in his hands, says, U that William 
Naylor was a gentleman of considerable fortune, who 
being much reduced by the severity of the penal laws, 
and, his wife being dead and his children settled, went 
abroad, was ordained priest in due time, and returned to 
England. He was arrested when exercising the functions 
of his office, committed prisoner to Newbury, and after- 
wards indicted at Reading Assizes for endeavouring to 
convert a lady to the Calholic Faith, and likewise for refusing 
to take the condemned oath of allegiance and supremacy. 
Upon the first charge he was acquitted, but kept in custody 
on the second. Being sent up to London, he was detained 
in confinement for two years, when, making his escape, 
he went to Flanders and was alive in 1630 at Ghent." 
Thomas Flint came to Rome in 1596, and was obliged 
to remain for three months as a pilgrim before being ad- 
mitted to the College, on account of the absence of the 
Cardinal Protector. He was ordained priest in 1600. He 
was sent from Rome to teach theology in 1602, but, being 
in bad health, he was allowed to proceed to England in 
1603. He is named among the forty-six priests banished 
in 1606. He became a Jesuit in 1621, and was again 
arrested for his Faith after that date. According to the 
A nnual Letters, U he had suffered a long and rigorous 
incarceration, and from the cold and the very narrow limits 
of his cell, he suffered severely in his linlbs and partially lost 
the use of the lower extremities." He died in the Suffolk 
District December 28, 1638. 



] olm Worthington came to Rome from the seminary of 
Seville with Father Parsons in 1597. He took the College 
oath, but joined the Jesuits in 1598. He was the son of 
Richard Worthington, Esq., who died a Confessor for the 
Faith in 1590, and was the nephew of Dr. Worthington, the 
President of Douay College, a relative of Cardinal Allen. 
He suffered much for the Catholic religion, and died a 
prisoner on parole January 25, 16 4 8 . 
Thomas Rand was twenty years of age when he came to 
the English College in 1597. On finishing his Philosophical 
course he joined the Jesuits. He subsequently was sent 
to England, and about 1607, having been seized as a priest, 
he was examined by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and 
committed to Newgate. He died August 4, 1657. 
Francis Holland was admitted to the College in 1598, 
and received the sacred priesthood in 160 3. It He was 
always modest," says the Diary, It but rather too good 
friends with the disobedient." He went to the English 
Mission in 1605, and afterwards joined the Society in 
1609. In 1648 he was captured, tried, and condemned to 
death for his priesthood, but the sentence was commuted 
to banishment for life. He died at Liége February 29, 
1 6 5 6 . 
Francis Young was a convert of Father Edward Old- 
come, the martyr, who after an education at Eton and 
Oxford, came to the English College in Rome in 1598. He 
recei ved all the Sacred Orders the following year, and 
joined the Society soon after in 1600. He suffered many 
imprisonments for the Faith. Amongst others he was in 
the Gatehouse, Westminster, where his fellow-prisoner was 
Father Laurence Worthington. They were banished to- 
gether in 1618. Francis Young ventured to return, and 
continued to labour for the salvation of souls until his 
death, :March 30, 1633. 
Nicholas Hart, a former student at Westminster and 
Oxford, entered the English College, Rome, in 1598. He 
was ordained priest in 1603, leaving for the Mission the 
fonowing year, when he became a Jesuit. He was seized 
and accused of complicity in the Gunpowder Plot and was 
sent into banishment. He returned to England and was 


apparently captured a second time, and again banished in 
1612. He died in England July 27, 1650. 
Henry Chadcrdon was born at Southsea Castle, which 
belonged to his father. He became a convert to the Faith 
through the influence of Brother Thomas Pounde, who was 
afterwards his constant guide and spiritual director. He 
asked to be admitted into the Society of Jesus as a 
brother, but, by the advice of Father Parsons, then Rector of 
the English College, Rome, he came to Rome and entered 
the Venerabile in 1599, when he was forty-seven years of 
age. He received the priesthood in 1601, and was sent to 
England the following year. He was captured shortly 
after his arrival, and his name appears in the list of forty- 
six priests and Jesuits, banished from the various English 
prisons in 1606. 
] ohn Falkner, coming to the College in May 1600, was 
ordained priest in December 1603. The following year he 
entered the Society of Jesus, and went to the English 
Mission in 1607. He appears among the twelve Jesuits who 
were sent into banishment in 1618, but he returned and is 
noted among the priests and Jesuits in or about London 
in 1624. Father Falkner was chaplain at Wardour Castle 
during its siege and gallant defence by Blanche Lady 
Arundell in 1643, and drew up the tern1S for its honourable 
Thomas More was admitted to the College in 1601 at the 
age of fifteen, and was ordained priest in 1609. At the be- 
ginning of May 1610 he left for England, and there entered 
the Society. He was a great-grandson of Blessed SirThomas 
More. In England he was seized, imprisoned and con- 
demned to be banished for life, and was probably among 
the sixty priests banished in 1618. He died at Ghent 
January 2, 1623. 
Briant Cansfield, alias Christoþher Benson, came to Rome 
with the last-named, Thomas More, and with him received 
the minor orders. In 1604, before becoming a priest, he 
joined the Jesuits. On going to the English Mission, he 
spent many years in the Yorkshire District, where he was 
seized when at the altar saying Mass. He was cruelly 
beaten and cast into the dungeons of York Castle. He 


16 3 

died shortly after his discharge from the effects of the ill- 
treatment he had there received, on August 3, 1643. 
lohn Starkey came to Rome in 1601, and was admitted 
to the College at the age of thirty-one, and was ordained 
priest in July 1602. He was sent to the English i\Iission 
in 1603, and was evidently seized and imprisoned for the 
Faith before 1606, as he was one of the forty-six priests 
who were banished in that year. 
Edward Williamson took the College oath on June IS, 
1603, and was ordained in June 1605. He left for England 
in September 1608, and in 1617 entered the Society of Jesus. 
He was one of the Jesuit Fathers seized at Clerkenwell by 
the Privy Council pursuivants in 1628. He died at St. 
Omer's, after working for twenty-one years in England, on 
l\1:arch 19, 1649. In his replies to the usual questions put to 
scholars on entering the College, Father Williamson said that 
he had gone to school at Woolton until advised by Father 
Gerard to go to Doua y. Being arrested and imprisoned 
on his way there, he returned home for a time, but again 
started for Douay, where he was received by Dr. Worthing- 
ton, the President, who afterwards sent him to Rome. 
lohn Felton, really Grosse, entered the College in 1603, 
and received the priesthood in 1606. He was a convert to 
the Faith through his visits to the Catholic priests incar- 
cerated in Wisbeach Castle. He became a Jesuit in 1610 
whilst serving on the English Mission, and his name appears 
in a list of priests and Jesuits sent to Dover for trans- 
portation in February 1620. During the civil wars he was 
captured by the Parliamentary forces, and cast into prison 
for an attempt to visit Father John Hudd, a prisoner 
awaiting his trial in Lincoln Prison. Father Felton died 
shortly after his release had been purchased by some friends, 
on February 27, 1645. 
lohn Sweet was admitted to the College as a student in 
1602. He left for a time in 1606 to settle some private 
affairs, but returned, and was ordained priest in 1608. The 
following year he became a Jesuit, and was for a while 
Penitentiary at St. Peter's. <<He lived in the College with 
great edification to the scholars and spiritual help to people 
coming here (i. e. Rome), of whom he drew many to the 


Catholic Faith, and disposed many favourably for accepting 
it. He did good work for souls when he went on the Eng- 
lish l\lission. He was captured at Exeter in November 
r62r, and committed to prison there, whence he was sent 
up to London to be a prisoner in the Gatehouse, West- 
minster, in October r623. He was probably released at 
the end of the year, for his name appears in Gee's list of 
priests in or near London (r624) as "F. Sweete, a J esuite, 
well knowne, lodginge at the upper end of Holborne." 
Williæm Bedford, really Drury, came to the College in 
r6 0 5, and was ordained priest in r6ro. He went to the 
Mission in r6r2, and his name appears in the list of priests 
in the various London prisons in r632 as " William Drury 
in the Clink." 
Anthony Tilney, or Greenway, entered the College as a 
convictor, January r4, r606. He had studied at Oxford, 
and was twenty-seven or twenty-eight when he came to 
Rome. He was ordained priest in September r608, and be- 
came a Jesuit in r6r1. He, however, was sent to England 
in r6r2, and has given a personal narrative of his arrest, 
examination before the Bishop of London, and imprison- 
ment for the Faith. 
William A nderson, or Foster, took the College oath 
in r606; but. apparently before his ordination, joined the 
Society of Jesus in October r609. He had been converted 
by a priest named Pigot, then in prison, and went to St. 
Omer's for his humanities. Whilst on the Mission" Father 
Foster received the dying son of Thornborough, the Protes- 
tant Bishop of Worcester, into the Church, having been 
called in by the Catholic daughter of that prelate. The 
enraged Bishop seized the Father and consigned him to a 
loathsome dungeon in Worcester Gaol, but shortly after 
paid the penalty for this cruel conduct by dying a miserable 
death:' Father Foster died at St. Omer's June 9, r657. 
Edmund Neville, alias Eliiah Nelson, was admitted to 
the English College in r606, but only took the missionary 
oath in r608 just before his ordination to the priesthood. 
The following year he became a Jesuit, and, after his 
novitiate, was sent to labour in England. When bed- 
ridden, at the extreme age of eighty-five, he was in r648 


16 5 

dragged from his bed by the Parliamentarian soldiers, 
thrown into a cart and committed to prison as a priest. 
He was afterwards removed to London and called up for 
trial, when for lack of evidence he was discharged. He 
soon afterwards died from the effects of the brutal treatment 
he had received. 
William Whittingham came to Rome and took the College 
oath in 1607. He had only studied his philosophy and one 
year's theology, when he made up his mind to becon1e a 
Jesuit, and on September 27, 1611, left the College to pass 
his novitiate at Nantes. The Jesuit Records say that" he 
suffered imprisonment for several years in N ewgate for 
the Catholic Faith, and, during the last year of his life, 
reconciled a hundred and fifty persons to the Catholic 
Church. " 
Henry Brooke, or Hawkins, came to Rome in 1609, and 
after his ordination joined the Jesuits in 1615. Being sent 
on the EngIish Mission, he was arrested and banished with 
several other priests in 1618. He returned to his mission, 
and, after giving twenty-five years' service he died at 
Ghent August 18, 1646. 
Richard Audrey, or Bartlett, was ordained priest in 1611, 
and, having finished his studies, left for England April 22, 
1615. He became a Jesuit in 1616, and, after suffering 
imprisonment for the Faith, was sent into exile in 1618, 
with eleven other Jesuits. He returned to his perilous work, 
and finally died at the College of Rennes February 22, 16 45. 
Thomas TVharton, or Foster, of York, was admitted to 
take the College oath in 1609, and on December 27, 1614, 
was ordained by Cardinal Bellarmine. In 1616 he departed 
for the English Mission. Driven from the missions in 
Yorkshire by the heat of persecution, he took refuge in 
Lincolnshire, where he was arrested and thrown into Lincoln 
Gaol. Here he died in chains, a martyr for the Faith, 
:March 31, 1648. 
Robert Arden, or Grosvenor, was admitted to the College 
in 1614, and took the missionary oath in 1616. He finished 
his studies at the College and was sent to England Apnl 
1620. In the same year he was received into the Society 
of Jesus in Belgium. He returned to the English Mission 


in I624, and was many times imprisoned for the Catholic 
Faith. At one period he passed two years in the dungeons 
of York and Hull. He died February I4, I668, aged eighty-six. 
Thomas Barker, or Farmer, came to the College in I6I4, 
and was ordained in I620. He left Rome in I62I, and the 
same year became a Jesuit. He was one of the victims of 
the Oates Plot, and in I679, when he was eighty-six years old, 
he was seized by the priest -catchers and thrown into N ew- 
gate. He remained in its loathsome dungeons for two 
years and a half, and died soon after he was liberated, 
April I9, I683. 
John Taylor, actually Robinson, was admitted to the 
College in I6I6. H:s parents were great sufferers for the 
Faith; his father, reduced to poverty, was thrown into prison, 
and died in chains; his mother was likewise imprisoned for 
several years for entertaining priests in her house, and died 
after her release. John Taylor entered the Society in I620, 
and after his ordination was sent to England. He was 
at once captured and lodged in the prison of York Castle. 
Fr. Henry Morse, the n1artyr, was his fellow-prisoner, 
and, having been admitted to the Society in I625, actually 
made his novitiate under Fr. John Robinson's guidance 
in his prison. In I652 Fr. Robinson was again arrested 
and condemned to death as a priest at York Assizes. He 
was only reprieved at the gallows, and, after being long 
detained in prison, was eventually allowed to die in peace, 
September 20, I675. 
Thomas Rochester, or Rogers, took the College oath in 
May I6I8, and, having been ordained priest August 9, 
I620, left the College in October to become a Jesuit. He 
went on the English Mission in 1627, and in 1656 is reported 
as being in prison. He died on September 29, 1657 (probably 
n bonds). 
Francis Gardiner, actually StePhens, after coming to the 
College in October 1617, was sent to England June 19, 
1624. He apparently joined the Jesuits about the same 
year, if he be the same Francis Gardiner who is described 
in the list of Jesuits captured at Clerkenwell in that year 
as a <t novice priest." In the lvf enology of the Society he is 
said to have died January I8, 1648: <t Beloved for his 


16 7 

piety and sincerity. He was very devout in praying for 
the holy souls in Purgatory, and was confident of obtaining 
assistance from them in all dangers and difficulties. Nor 
was he disappointed, for, happening to fall into the hands 
of the pursuivants while carrying the Holy Viaticun1 to 
the sick, the officers searched him so closely that they 
stripped him to the shirt. Thereupon he said to our Lord: 
C My God, save Thyself, for I can now do no more.' At 
the same time he held the small pyx closed in his hand, 
and no one noticed it." 
Cuthbert Green, or Clapton, came to the English College 
in 16 3 1 , and after being ordained, left for England April 27, 
163 8 . The Jesuit Superiors of the Venerabile noted him as 
U inconstant and inobservant of discipline"; but he proved 
himself a valiant Confessor of the Faith. Though living 
in the house of the Venetian Ambassador in London, he 
was seized in 1641 by the aid of the apostate Carpenter, 
in the time of the Parliament. He was tried as a priest and 
condenlned to death, together with Father William Ward, 
an old father of eighty years. This latter received the 
martyr's crown at Tyburn on July 26, 1641. Cuthbert 
Clapton, however, was liberated upon the demand of the 
Ambassador, and coming to Rome after his imprisonment, 
died in the Eternal City in 1644. He was buried in the 
church of the English College. 
This long list of Confessors of the Faith from the Annals 
of the English College most certainly only gives the names 
of some of those students who suffered for their religion. 
It will have been noticed that, in the majority of cases, 
the circumstances of the heroic constancy displayed is 
known because the Confessors were students who either 
in their student days or subsequently whilst on the English 
Mission had become Jesuits. More fortunate than their 
companions in the College, who subsequently had to face 
the same perils in the exercise of their ministry, they found 
in the Order they joined brethren eager to set down the 
particulars of their combat. In this way, through the 
researches of Brother Foley, 'we know much more of the 
career and sufferings of such as became Jesuits than we 
do about the rest. 



FROM r680 to r695 Cardinal Howard, a member of the 
noble family of the Dukes of Norfolk, was Cardinal Pro- 
tector of the English College. Under the Protectorate of 
this Cardinal so much was done for the buildings of the 
College, and his benefactions were so great, that it is only 
right that his name should be ren1embered by all students 
of the Venerabile with gratitude. 
Cardinal Howard was born at Arundel House in London 
in r629, the third son of Henry Frederick Howard, third 
Earl of Arundel. He was for a time a member of St. John's 
College, Cambridge, and after a brief stay there, went to 
Utrecht and subsequently to Antwerp, where he deter- 
mined to devote his life to the service of religion. His 
grandfather, who at this time had conformed to the State 
religion, raised serious objections to this, and he was sent 
with his brothers for a long continental tour. Whilst in 
Milan he came across an Irish Dominican friar, John Baptist 
Hacket, and going with him to the Dominican convent 
at Cremona, received the habit of the Order in r645. His 
family did all that was possible to make him return to the 
secular state, and finally he was sent for by Pope Innocent X 
in September r645, and placed with the Oratorian Fathers 
at the Chiesa Nuova. After five months' trial, and after 
several personal interviews with the Pope, the Holy Father 
was convinced of the call of the young man to religion, 
and in October r646 he made his profession at S. 
Father Philip Thomas Howard subsequently had an 
eventful life, and amongst his other deeds founded a 
Dominican House at Bornhem, in East Flanders. King 


Charles II of England was privately married to Catherine 
of Braganza in 1662, in the presence of the future Cardinal, 
who became the private chaplain of the Queen and resided 
at the English Court. Pepys records a visit he made to him 
at St. James's Palace January 23, 1667, and declares that 
he found him "a good-natured gentleman," discussed 
church music with him, and was shown over the" new 
monastery," both "talking merrily about the difference 
in our religion." 
In 1669 the Holy See determined to appoint Howard 
the Vicar-Apostolic in England. Since Dr. Richard Smith, 
second Vicar-Apostolic, who died in Paris in 1655, no suc- 
cessor had been created. The English clergy, whilst approving 
the appointment of Howard, resolved that the title Vicar 
Apostolic was inexpedient, and begged that he might have 
the ordinary jurisdiction of a bishop. A long controversy 
ensued, but finally, the Bulls which had been made out for 
his consecration, were suspended in 1672, and he was not 
in fact consecrated. On May 27, 1675, he was made Cardinal 
priest by Pope Clement X, taking first as his title the 
Church of Sta. Cecilia, and on the death of Cardinal de 
Retz in 1679, that of Sta. Maria super l\1inervam. In this 
same year, at the request of Charles II, he was named 
Cardinal Protector of England in succession to Cardinal 
Barberini who died in 1679. He thus became also Pro- 
tector of the English College. 
Under Cardinal Howard's direction, and, it is said, at 
the cost of 10,000 scudi, the rebuilding of the College as well 
as of the palace next door was undertaken. This work was 
finished in 1685, according to the designs of Legenda and 
Carlo Fontana. The Cardinal commenced to pay to the 
College rent for the palace from April 17, 1685, but he 
used it only on state occasions, since although he had a 
pension of 10,000 scudi (f2250) from the Pope, and apart- 
ments in the Vatican, he preferred to lead the simple life 
of a friar in the Dominican convent of Sta. Sabina. 
\Vhen the birth of James Francis Edward Prince of 
Wales on June 10, 1688, was known in Rome, Cardinal 
Howard, always a staunch Englishman, "gave a feast in 
which an ox was roasted whole, being stuffed with lambs, 


fowls and provisions of all kinds." 1 On his death, which 
took place in Rome on June 17, 1694, Cardinal Howard was 
buried in the church of the Minerva, where a plain marble slab 
with the Howard arms and an inscription still marks the spot. 
After his death his benefactions to the English College involved 
the establishment in a lawsuit with the Dominicans. He 
had left the Order his heir to build a house in Flanders, 
and the Dominicans set up the contention that the sum 
of 10,000 scudi ([2250) spent by the Protector upon the 
improvements of the College was a loan and not a gift. 
At the same time as the College was rebuilt, the Church 
was likewise much improved and refurnished. To meet 
these expenses, besides the donations made by the Cardinal of 
Norfolk, as the Protector was usually called in Rome, some 
of the property possessed by the College was sold, and 
money was likewise raised by mortgage on other rents and 
houses. One immediate result of the rebuilding and refitting 
of the College was to re-establish the reputation of the 
institution and to increase the numbers of the alumni 
and convictors. Unfortunately, the changes and reforms 
which the Cardinal of Norfolk had designed to introduce 
were suspended in great measure by the political events 
in England and elsewhere. In England, the revolution of 
1688 and the flight of King James II reacted naturally on 
the English College in Rome, whilst the Jansenist troubles 
in France had also the effect of a drag upon the good inten- 
tions of the Cardinal Protector. Nevertheless a most useful 
and necessary work was accomplished by his interest and 
determination, for which English Catholics, and in particular 
all students of the Venera bile, must ever hold the name 
of Cardinal Howard in benediction. 
In regard to the appointment of Bishops for England, 
the Cardinal had always maintained the necessity of proper 
ecclesiastical government in that country, and in Rome 
he seconded the efforts of the English secular clergy to 
obtain Bishops. For a time the opposition of some of the 
Regulars and of the existing secular Chapter, who objected 
to the title of Vicar-Apostolic, defeated the purpose. But at 
length in 1685 a Vicar-Apostolic was appointed, and three 
1 Dict. of Nat. Biography, s.v. 


years later, in 1688, England was divided by Pope Inno- 
cent XI into four ecclesiastical districts, over which Vicars- 
Apostolic were appointed to preside. The Cardinal of 
Norfolk was thus able before his death to see the estab- 
lishment of some form of episcopal government in England, 
for which he had so long contended, and the appointment 
of these four Bishops proved a considerable help to the 
stability of the College in Rome. 
After Cardinal Howard's death the office of Protector 
of England and of the English College remained vacant for 
more than twenty years. Meanwhile the English Vicars- 
Apostolic renewed their complaints about the results 
obtained from the National Institution, and, as the English 
secular clergy had frequently done before, made urgent 
requests to the Holy See to change the government of the 
College. The supreme Pontiff Innocent XII thereupon 
ordered another Visitation of the establishment, which was 
continued under his successor Clement XI. Cardinal 
Francesco Barberini was the Visitor chosen, and the result 
of his work was the publication in 1702 of certain rules for 
discipline and to secure the proper administration of the 
property; but without the formality of any Acts of the 
Visitation. As a fact, however, the Visitation was not 
closed, but merely suspended under the following circum- 
stances. A report, it is needless to say without foundation, 
was set in circulation in Rome that English ecclesiastics 
generally were infected by J ansenism, which at that time 
divided and dominated France. Rumours were set going 
about the orthodoxy not only of the English College in Rome 
but also about that of the Professors, etc., at Douay, nay, 
even the Vicars-Apostolic of England were said to be infected 
by the errors prevailing in France. Though the reports, 
so ingeniously fostered by some parties in the Eternal 
City, were discredited by those who knew the facts, they 
were sufficient to suspend the Visitation then in progress. 
The parties supposed to be infected by heretical views and 
sympathies, vigorously expressed their indignation at the 
suspicions cast upon them, and absolutely denied that 
there was any ground whatever for them. The Court of 
James II of England, then in exile at St. Germain's, the 

Professors and the Doctors of the University of Douay, the 
Papal Nuncio at Brussels and the English Vicars-Apostolic, 
wrote to the Pope in defence of their calumniated innocence. 
In the end the Pope found that all the accusations 
were false, and on February 17, 1711, he wrote to the 
English Bishops to that effect, and congratulated them on 
their triumphant vindication against their calumniators. 
The Nuncio also, by the desire of the Holy See, undertook 
a Visitation of the College at Douay, which entirely cleared 
the reputation of that celebrated establishnlent. But 
these internal difficulties, and the fresh persecution of the 
Catholics in England, led to the suspension of the Visitation 
of the English College for more than twenty years. Natur- 
ally this state of things was unsatisfactory, and in the year 
1736 the English Vicars-Apostolic again besought Pope 
Clen1ent XII to find some measures to put an end to it, 
by taking some practical steps to carry out the changes 
in the government of the College they had long asked 
The Holy Father at once took the matter in hand, and 
commissioned the Cardinals De Via and Rovere (the former 
being Cardinal Protector of England, had become in 1729 
also Protector of the Venerabile, the latter the Protector of 
Scotland), together with Monsignor Belmonte, to reassume 
the enquiry and finish it. Accordingly, on September 14, 
"1.737, they began their work, and after holding various 
sessions they finished it on January 27, 1739. 
The acts of the Visitation afford some interesting par- 
ticulars about the College. The stable revenues of the 
establishment are stated to have been then 3822 scudi a 
year, besides about 1500 scudi from pensions, gifts, etc. 
The personnel of the College was at that time composed 
of six Jesuits, with Father Joseph Marshall as Rector; 
two secular prefects; six Jesuit lay-brethren and five 
servants living out of the place. The students who in 1700 
numbered thirty-eight, in 1739 were only sixteen. In 
these thirty-nine years, from the beginning of the eighteenth 
century to the end of the Visitation, the number of those 
who passed through the College is given as 194, an average 
practically of five a year, and of this number only forty-six 


took up the work of the English Mission, at any rate as 
secular priests. 1 
Of the sixteen English College students remaining in the 
Venerabile in 1739, four were studying theology, nine philo- 
sophy, and two were still being taught their humanities. 
No indication is given of the status of those who had been 
sent out to countries other than England, some were priests, 
some evidently were not. 
In England at this time the position of Catholics was 
deplorable, and there was an urgent need for priests to 
sustain the spirit of the ever oppressed poor remnant of 
those who were loyal to the old Faith. An entry in the 
Gentleman's Magazine for February 1735 shows that from 
time to time the hand of the law made itself felt against 
those who persisted in the practice of their religion. 
" Sunday 23. About eleven o'clock, the Peace Officers 
going their rounds to the public-houses, to prevent dis- 
orderly smoking and tippling in time of Divine Service, 
discovered a private Mass-house at a little ale-house at the 

1 The following figures are given- 
Priests sent to England . . 46 
II .. France . . 20 
II II Flanders . 12 
No destination 16 
Expelled for various reasons . . 34 
Fugitives 4 
Died in Rome . II 
Entered various orders . 9 
Became Jesuits 7 
Absolved from the oath. 5 
Not admitted to take the oath 14 
Still at the College . 16 
The following were the number of students at the College in the years 
from 1700- 

17 00 3 8 17 2 4 24 
17 0 3 27 17 2 7 28 
17 0 4 24 173 0 22 
17 0 5 20 173 2 24 
17 10 19 1735 26 
17 1 5 25 173 6 24 
17 16 21 1737 23 
17 18 27 173 8 20 
17 20 14 1739 . 16 


back of Shoreditch, where nearly a hundred people had got 
together in a garret, most of them miserable, poor and 
ragged, and upon examination appeared to be Irish. Some 
few were well dressed and several Mass-books were found 
with them. The priest made his escape out of a back door, 
leaving the rest to shift for themselves, whereupon some 
got out of a trap door and others, after giving an account 
of their names and places of abode, were let quietly depart. 
Notwithstanding, a great many met in the evening at the 
same place, declaring that Mass should be said there." 1 
In 1737 Bishop Petre prepared a statement of the 
position and needs of the English :l\Iission to be presented 
to the Holy See. I t declares that the number of Catholics 
is daily dhninishing for various reasons, and, amongst 
others, because a suitable body of missioners was not at hand, 
and the Bishops believed that this could only be supplied 
by a reform in the administration of the seminaries abroad, 
and especially of those at Rome and Valladolid. The points 
of reform specially suggested are that the full income of 
each college should be spent on the education of the 
students; that only those students shall be admitted who 
are sent to those colleges by the Vicars-Apostolic, and that 
the course of studies be better adapted to the needs of the 
English Mission. 2 
The joint letter of the English Bishops must have arrived 
opportunely for the consideration of the Cardinals De Via 
and Rovere, then occupied in examining into the difficulties 
at the College in Rome. The Bishops state that from 1724 
to 1736 only fifteen students from the Venerabile had come 
to work in England. But, according to the English Pro- 
vincial of the Jesuits, Father Brown, in a letter to Bishop 
Petre, the number really was five-and-twenty. From the 
Diary of the College, however, it would appear that neither 
number is quite correct, and that during these twelve 
years the College in Rome sent eighteen or nineteen secular 
priests to England. 
As the practical result of the enquiry of the Cardinals 
several very useful decrees were made for the better govern- 
1 Dr. Burton, Life of Bishop Challonef', i. p. 79. 
II Ib., pp. 80-81. 

Inent of the Venerabile, and some of those made by Cardinal 
Barberini as Visitor appointed by Pope Alexander VII in 
I655 were confirmed. These were largely connected with 
economy, administration, the admission of students, piety 
and discipline. In particular the study of sacred Scripture 
and modern controversy useful for the English :Mission was 
enjoined, so as to meet the complaints of the English Bishops 
that students returned to their own country ill-prepared for 
their work and for the difficulties they would have to encounter 
there. These decrees, it may here be remarked, were the 
basis of those which were issued in I8I8 by Cardinal Consalvi 
on the re-establishment of the English College after the 
French Revolution. 
Nothing, however, was done to meet the chief request 
of the Vicars-Apostolic of England in regard to the govern- 
ment of the College. Apparently, the only notice taken 
of this matter is the remarks in the V otum of :l\IonsÌgnor 
Belmonte. He was of opinion that the demands of the 
Bishops for the restoration of the College to secular clergy 
were U weak, egotistical and insufficient to justify their 
requests." . 
The result of this Visitation destroyed the hopes of the 
English clergy and their confidence in the College, which 
became ever less acceptable to the English, and it was 
increasingly difficult to get for it students who had finished 
their humanities. The year I753 is a notable date in the 
history of the Church in England, since in that year Pope 
Benedict XIV issued the celebrated Bull A postolicum 
Ai inisteriwm, which regulated the jurisdiction of the Bishops 
over the missions served by the members of the Regular 
Orders. This removed at once many occasions of difficulty 
and doubt. One of the immediate results of the Pope's 
decision was to draw the attention of the Roman authorities 
to the complaints which had been made so frequently by 
the Visitors-Apostolic as to the results of the education of 
the English students in Rome, and as to the small assistance 
that the College gave in furnishing labourers to the English 
:Mission. U The Bishops," writes Dr. Burton, "felt that, 
as long as they were not consulted on the selection of 
candidates, they would continue to be saddled with unsuit- 

able and often undesirable missioners. Dr. Challoner seized 
the opportunity offered by this more favourable condition 
of things to select from his district three youths, and to 
dispatch them to the English College, at the same time 
intimating that the Vicars-Apostolic of both the Midland and 
Northern Districts were about to do the same." 1 
Dr. Christopher Stonor, the agent of the English Bishops 
in Rome, wrote to Challoner that this action on the part 
of the English Vicars-Apostolic had given great satisfac- 
tion. . . . "I find they (i. e. the Roman authorities) are 
very desirous that we should have the choosing of the 
youths that are to be educated in that house; and certainly 
it is more desirable, and much more likely to answer the 
end of the institution to have hopeful youths of our choosing 
than to be forced to take up with the quisquiliæ or leavings 
of other people." H For my part," writes Challoner in reply, 
" I am so much convinced of the importance of our embracing 
this opportunity of fixing the choice of the subjects to be 
sent thither, that the Bishops should do all in their power 
to find proper subjects. They should be at least fourteen 
years old, and know the first rudiments of Latin." 2 
I t was time that something was done to build up the 
College, if it was to be saved from final ruin. It had become 
increasingly difficult to obtain from other colleges students 
who had finished their humanity studies. St. Omer's con- 
tinued to supply a few, but this source was stopped when 
the Jesuits were suppressed in France in 1763, and it became 
at last impossible to observe the Constitution of Pope 
Gregory XIII for the English College, which required that 
the al1t1J'lni were to be limited to students in philosophy 
and theology. The English Bishops were unable to furnish 
advanced students, and on September 14, 1764, Bishop 
Challoner writes to the Rector, Fr. Booth, sending two 
young boys for rudiments, H as we have no convenience 
at present of sending you any from hence that are farther 
advanced." 3 
In 1772 the financial state of the College had become 
almost desperate, and on May 5 the Rector begged leave 
to pawn at the Monte di Pietà a jug and basin of silver 
1 Life of Bishop Chalione'Y, i. p. 361. 2 Ib. 3 Scrittu'Ye, 46. 


gilt to meet the pressing wants of the students. He 
obtained permission by a rescript signed by Cardinal Caval- 
chini, of the Congregation of Vesco vi e Regolari. 1 
The suppression of the Society of Jesus by Pope Clement 
XIV necessarily involved changes in the administration of 
the English College. On the night of August 16, 1773, 
the date of the Brief of Suppression, the General of the 
Society, Fr. Laurenzo Ricci, the supposed author of the 
famous expression, "Aut sint ut sunt, aut non sint," 2 
was conducted by Corsican soldiers to the English College. 
Here he was imprisoned in an upper gallery under the 
guard of his captors until preparations had been made for 
his reception into the Castle of Sant' Angelo on the 22nd 
of September, where he passed the remainder of his life. 
For the English College, this treatment of the Father- 
General, which appears to us so harsh and unnecessary, 
was, say the Archives of the College, expensive for the 
On the Suppression, the management of the College was 
at once entrusted to the care of Italian ecclesiastics; men, 
no doubt, excellent and talented, but necessarily ignorant 
of English needs and not able to speak the language of the 
students. Dr. Stonor wrote to Bishop Challoner on this 
subject in the September of this year, 1773: "That you 
maybe better able to give your opinIOn upon this subject," 
he says, " I will here acquaint you with what His Eminence 
[the Protector, Cardinal Corsini] has told me of his views 
and intentions. His design is to put the house under the 
care of secular priests: and intends that the first superiors 
and masters should be Italians, persons he is thoroughly 
acquainted with and sure of. But, as it is necessary there 
should be also some Englishmen to keep up the practice 
of the English tongue, and to oversee the exercises in the 
English, he would be glad you should look about for a 
proper person to recommend to him. . . . His design is 
that the young men should go no more to the publick schools 
1 Scritture, 48, 5. 
2 Although Father Ricci is generally credited with this saying, 
Crétineau- }oly (Histoire de la Compagnie de ]ésus, ed. 1846, vol. v. p. 3 08 ) 
gives reason for the belief that in reality it was used by Pope 
Clement XIII. 

in town, but have their schools and masters at home: and 
he hopes in time to raise masters and superiors out of the 
members of the house, as is practised at Doway: he is 
desirous that the young men that are sent here for the future, 
should be fit at least to commence their Rhetorick. He is 
no stranger to the difficulties that might attend the bringing 
up youths so far in their studies in England: but is ready 
to obviate them effectually: as he hopes to be able to 
allow enough to maintain at S. Omer's, till Rhetorick, a 
number of such youths as you and your confrères may 
think proper subjects to send hither and like to answer 
the end of this foundation." 1 
Later on Bishop Challoner communicated to the other 
Vicars-Apostolic the news that he had received another 
letter from Dr. Stonor saying that a memorial had been 
presented to the Pope on the subject of the English College, 
and that he hoped" to obtain English Superiors and Masters 
for the Institution." He urges that they should have fit- 
ting men to propose "a superior, a master of Divinity 
and of Philosophy and perhaps one of Rhetorick, or a 
procurator would be enough in the beginning." 2 
Nothing, however, came of these good intentions, and 
the arrangements made by Cardinal Corsini to have Italian 
superiors and professors at the English College continued 
till the French occupation in 1796. Few priests came to 
the English l\/Iission during this period, and many students 
who were received were found to be unfitted and sent away. 
It is impossible not to recognise that this failure of the 
Institution to carry out the object for which it had been 
created was not due to the want of talent and good will 
on the part of the Superiors and Professors, but to their 
ignorance of the customs, character and language of those 
they had to direct. Their pupils after eight or ten years 
resident in the College returned to England with so little 
knowledge of the difficulties they would have to meet in 
the exercise of their ministry and even of their native 
language, that they were almost regarded as foreigners, 
and sometimes were unable to catechise, instruct or preach 
when called upon to do so. 
I Life of Bishop Cha/loner, ii. p. 163. 2 Ib., p. 168. 


In 1781 there were at the College eight priests as 
Superiors and Professors, three prefects and twenty-three 
students, and from a diary of the Rector Felici it appears 
that of these, three died at the College, eleven were sent 
away, four proved to have no vocation and left, and five 
only were ordained priests. Ten years later the Vicars- 
Apostolic again approached the Pope, Pius VI, in regard 
to the English College, and again urged the necessity of 
placing it under the government of English secular priests. 
This time their agent, 
ionsignor Stonor, was more success- 
ful, and they received a favourable reply through Propa- 
ganda. The rescript was dated April 2, 1783, and it was 
couched in the following terms: "Since this is so much 
desired by you, in future care shall be taken that when next 
the Office shall become vacant, one of your priests, whose 
piety, doctrine and capability of administration is assured, 
shall be appointed head of the College." This decree was 
signed by the Prefect of Propaganda, Cardinal Antonelli, 
and by the secretary, Monsignor Borgia. 
Nothing, unfortunately, could be done at the time. 
Cardinal Corsini held the office of Protector of the College 
from 1773 till his death in 1795. He had introduced the 
system of Italian professors and superiors, and the system 
of studies followed in the Institution. He had, indeed, 
chosen and appointed himself all these professors and the 
Rector, and perhaps naturally was unwilling to destroy 
his own work by putting the Pontifical decree into execu- 
tion. Moreover, at this time the storm of the French 
Revol ution had overwhelmed and ruined all the English 
colleges, monasteries, etc. which had existed in France 
and the Low Countries, and the clouds were already 
threatening Italy and Rome. The English Mission was in 
dire need of help. This was recognised even by the English 
Government, and in the time of this calamity it set itself 
to favour the education of the Catholic clergy, founding the 
great College of :Maynooth in Ireland and subsidising the 
poor clergy in Scotland. The English Minister to the 
Roman Court strongly recommended the Holy Father to 
give life to the national Colleges of England and Scotland 
by placing them under Superiors of their own nationality 


in accordance with the rescript of Propaganda. His effort 
was seconded by the Cardinal of York, the Cardinal Dean, 
Albani, Protector of Scotland, Cardinal Campanelli, Pro- 
tector of England, and Cardinals Antonelli and Gerdil, 
successively Prefects of Propaganda. The Reverend Paul 
Macpherson was immediately appointed Rector of the 
Scotch College, where, as a fact, he was already in posses- 
sion, and Cardinal Campanelli was preparing to do the 
same for the English College when he died, and very shortly 
after the French took possession of the Eternal City. 



FROM the earliest days of the College the students were 
encouraged to take part in public disputations and sermons 
in Rome. A volume still existing in the Archives of the 
College, though unfortunately now somewhat mutilated, 
records not only the names of those who took part in these 
public acts, but the sermons and speeches themselves, which 
they preached or spoke. The first student whose name is 
given as a preacher was Edward Throckmorton, who 
delivered his sermon in the College Refectory on the feast 
of the U Finding of the Holy Cross," May 3. 1581. He was 
then only nineteen years of age, and had come to Rome the 
previous year; but he had exceptional abilities, and was a 
most saintly youth. The A nnnal Letters thus speak of 
him: U While yet but a child he gave promise of future 
sanctity, as we learn from those who had known him in 
England. His zeal for winning souls to Christ was even 
then far beyond his years. His main purpose was to recall 
to the Faith such of his companions as had gone astray, 
to confirm the wavering, and to encourage those that were 
suffering for religion's sake. He used to teach rude and 
uninstructed Catholics the method of prayer, read to them 
Saints' lives and lead them on to all godliness. . . . It was 
by means of the glorious martyr, Father Ralph Sherwin, 
a former student of this College, that he came to Rome. 
On his adnnssion he at once gave a shining example of virtue, 
manifesting in all he did a rare prudence, the deepest 
humility and most exact obedience." 1 
He was one of the three English College students who 
died in 1582, the other two being Ralph Shirlev anò Thomas 
Bennett, both models of virtue and piety. 

1 Foley, Records. vi. p. 96. 



U Edward Throckmorton," continues the account in the 
A nnual Letters, U so ordered every detail of his daily work 
as to excite the wonder of all. After his death a rule of life 
for every day was found, which he had faithfully carried 
out. He had vowed chastity, and the Father to whom he 
made the confession of his whole life bears witness that 
he preserved his virginity unstained. He persevered so 
earnestly in striving for the mastery over his passions and 
self-will that he was the admiration of his Superiors and 
director. He frequently asked leave to inflict the most 
severe mortifications on his body, and held himself in so 
little account that, though he dealt most harshly with 
himself, he considered that he was too self-indulgent. Hence 
he suffered no day to pass without asking leave for some 
penitential infliction. Such was his obedience that not only 
his actions, but even his thoughts were submitted to the 
judgement of his Superiors as to a safe and most trustworthy 
standard. But as his life and actions far excelled what is 
told of the fervour of ordinary devout people, they have 
been described at full length in a letter, which those who 
wish to know more of him would do well to read. I will add 
but this one trait; he was at times so overwhelmed with the 
abundance of heavenly delights as to be forced to exclaim, 
t Enough, 0 Lord, enough: hold the hand of Thy loving- 
kindness.' At length the end of his brief course was at hand 
and he fell sick. During his illness he was molested by 
diabolical illusions, but was comforted by a vision of Christ 
and of St. Odo, whom, according to the College custom, 
he had drawn for his monthly patron. After exhibiting a 
bright example of patience he departed this life on St. Odo's 
day (November 18, 1582). His death produced so deep an 
impression that many felt moved to more earnest strivings 
after virtue, and when, as is the custom, he was recom- 
mended to the prayers of the students, they unanimously 
replied that it was fitter to chant the Te Deum for hin1 than 
the Office of the Dead." 1 I n articulo mortis he was received 
into the Society of Jesus. 
It was the constant practice of Pope Gregory XIII to 
show his interest in the students of the College of which he 
J Records, ut sup. p. 97. 

was the founder, and to receive the missioners before their 
departure to England. In March 1581, four priests, namely: 
Fathers William Harrison, Arthur Pitt, William Hart and 
Hugh Probert, went to kiss the Pope's feet and to receive 
his blessing. The Holy Father overwhelmed them with 
kindness and gave each of them fifty gold pieces for the 
journey. One of these four, William Hart, afterwards a 
martyr for the Faith, made a short address to His Holiness, 
in Latin, U which both moved and consoled the Pontiff 
and all who were present." In a history of the College this 
address must be given in full. 
"Most Blessed Father,-Gratitude is of so strict an 
obligation, that it behoves us to beware not so much of 
choosing an unseasonable occasion of testifying our lively 
memory of favours received, as of neglecting at any time to 
satisfy its claims. \Ve must confess that Your Holiness has 
bound us to yourself by so many benefits, that though, 
being strangers, we find it difficult to give expression to our 
feelings, yet, as we are not ungrateful, we must needs give 
some token of our deep sense of what has been done for us. 
Constrained, therefore, both by a sense of duty and by the 
greatness of your charity in our regard, dutifully prostrate 
at your sacred feet, we make bold briefly to express for the 
last time (as we may not hope to have the privilege again) 
our heartfelt gratitude and to rehearse the favours received 
at your hands. 
" Of all the monuments which your virtues have raised 
to themselves throughout Christendom none are more 
glorious or shine with purer lustre than the provision made 
by you for the welfare and salvation of the souls of our 
fellow-countrymen who are being dragged down to per- 
dition. By your fatherly tenderness, care and solicitude 
has it been brought about that those who were children of 
wrath have now become heirs of God, fellow-heirs with 
Jesus Christ. You have opened up and cleared of its 
obstacles the way of return to the faith and practice of 
our ancestral religion for all who are willing to enter upon 
it and to walk therein, and have encouraged us to look 
forward to the complete re-conversion of our fatherland, 
by opposing to the barbarous rage of the heretics those 

schools of virtue and learning, the Seminaries of Rome and 
" So great are the benefits we gladly acknowledge to have 
received from you, so divine are they, that to attempt to 
set them forth in laboured discourse were to mar their 
splendour. Remit not, most Blessed Father, your efforts 
to aid the afflicted and comfort the wretched, nor withhold 
that fostering care for our dear England which it needed 
no one to inspire you with, though events prove contrary 
and the times evil. This is the prayer addressed to you by 
the cries of helpless infants, the moanings of mothers, the 
tears of our nobles, the earnest entreaties of the clergy, 
the loyalty to this Holy See of which so many of our country- 
men have given proof. What they, being absent, are 
unable to say, may not be suppressed by us who are privi- 
leged to behold your fatherly countenance. 
"To conclude. It has pleased the Divine Goodness, 
and has seemed good to our Superiors into whose hands we 
have committed ourselves that we should return to England 
as labourers in an abundant harvest; in other words to 
strive with all our might to gain the souls of our brethren. 
We cannot but be fully aware of the toils of the journey, 
the blood-stained weapons of the foe, the unheard-of 
atrocities of the heretics, not to mention countless other 
circumstances. Impelled, as it were, by that instinct 
which urges even the lower animals, when goaded by hunger, 
to seek out him by whom they have once been fed, we too, 
under pressure of our necessities, have recourse to your 
bounty, to that ever-flowing source of favour at which we 
have so often drunk, nothing fearing, nothing doubting. 
Unworthy indeed were the thought that the open hand 
which maintained us during our studies would be closed 
against us at our going forth; rather do we rest assured 
that the generosity which has trained us will not fail to 
arm us now we are entering the lists. On our part we will 
not cease to pray as heretofore to the most High for the 
peace, unity and authority of Holy Church, and for the 
well-being of Your Holiness, which as we plainly see bound 
up with that of all. Farewell! Long may you live, 
l\Iost Blessed Father! ,. 

In this same year, 1581, in which Edward Throckmorton 
preached his sermon in the College Refectory, another 
student made an address before and after the defension 
held in public in the presence of the Cardinal Protector, 
Boncompagni. This was Andrew Gibbons, a native of 
Wells in Somerset, who was admitted to the College, 
apparently in 1580. He left before his ordination and died 
in 1583 at Bonn. On St. Stephen's Day was inaugurated 
a long-continued practice of one of the students preaching 
before the Pope and Cardinals in the Sistine Chapel on that 
feast. The ceremonial to be observed on these occasions 
is noted down in th.e volume of addresses and sermons before 
referred to. A carriage was sent from the Vatican to bring 
the preacher from the College: he was to remain in the 
sacristy vested in his surplice until the :Master of Ceremonies 
came to fetch hin1 after the singing of the Gospel. He was 
then, on entering the Chapel, to bow profoundly to the 
Cardinal celebrating the Mass, and then to proceed to the 
papal throne, where first kneeling on both knees he was to 
ascend and kiss the Pope's foot, to salute His Holiness with 
a bow, and returning to the bottom step, was again to genu- 
flect on both knees, and having received the blessing, was 
to ask permission to publish the usual Indulgences. In his 
sermon he was not to turn directly to the Pope, but to look 
rather to the Cardinals; neither was he to raise his voice 
too loudly, and to beware of being carried away by his 
eloquence or of making use of too many gestures. After 
the sermon was finished, he was directed to return to the 
steps of the throne and remain kneeling whilst the Confiteor 
was being sung, after which he was to rise and publish the 
Indulgence, again kneeling whilst the Holy Father pro- 
nounced the blessing. At the end he was to follow the 
:Master of Ceremonies to the sacristy. The occasion must 
have been a trying ordeal for the student even although, 
as was evidently the case, the Latin discourse had been 
composed for him. The feast suggested references to the 
possible martyrdom of the selected orator, when his turn 
came to go forth from Rome for the English Mission. On 
this first occasion, St. Stephen's Day, 1581, the young 
preacher was John Cornelius, who after eleven years of 



apostolate in England was crowned by martyrdom in 
In 1582, on the feast of the Holy Trinity, William 
Brookesby preached a sermon before the Cardinal Protector 
in the College Refectory; and later on in the year, at the 
time of the Forty Hours' Exposition, Father Cornelius was 
again the preacher selected to address the congregation 
gathered in the College Church. The account of the 
Institution of this devotion at the College given in the 
Annual Letter of this year is of interest. "The Forty 
Hours' Exposition has been twice held in the College Church, 
for the relief of the spiritual needs of England, and His 
Holiness granted a Plenary Indulgence to all who were 
present. Besides an immense concourse of people, the 
Cardinals, many members of the prelacy, of the confra- 
ternities, and of the Roman, German and Greek Colleges, 
together with that of the newly baptised, assembled in due 
order and spent a whole hour in prayer. At fixed intervals 
the students discoursed in Latin, and the Fathers in Italian 
on the troubles of that ill-fated island. The impression 
made, not only on the vulgar and humbler sort, but on the 
prelates and dignitaries present, manifested itself in the 
length and fervour of their visit and their abundant tears. 
The Mass of Deposition, as also that of Exposition, was 
sung with all due solemnity by a Bishop. His Holiness 
Gregory XIII, out of his gracious partiality to the English 
nation, of which our College founded and endowed by his 
munificence is so admirable an instance, has issued a Brief 
addressed to Catholic princes and the rest of the faithful, 
to interest their charity in behalf of the numerous exiles 
for conscience' sake. The Brief was published by the 
Lenten Preachers last Lent and fourteen of the most dis- 
tinguished prelates and nobles were appointed to visit the 
several quarters of Rome, and collect contributions to the 
fund for the exiles. Besides these, certain of our students 
in sacred vestments and accompanied by a member of the 
English, Italian or Spanish nobility, stood at the doors 
of the church to solicit alms for the same charity, so that 
two thousand gold pieces have by this means been gathered 
in Rome. The College has taken steps to have similar 

MONS 18 7 
collections made in the several cities of Italy, and a sum of 
five thousand gold pieces has been gathered. The move- 
ment has been extended to the other countries of Europe, 
and a copy of the Papal Brief accompanied by a letter from 
the most illustrious Cardinal of St. Sixtus, the able patron 
of the College, has been sent to the Cardinals, Archbishops 
and Bishops resident in France, Spain and Germany. Whilst 
trusting that a liberal response will be made to this appeal, 
we do not forget that it will barely suffice for the needs of 
the immense number of the exiles. For, without taking 
into account those who are in divers places pursuing their 
studies at the charge of the Seminary of Rheims, it has to 
maintain one hundred and eighty residents, as well as those 
who daily come to it from England forsaken by their 
friends and despoiled of their goods for conscience' sake. 
Thither do they flock as to a common refuge of the afflicted; 
and after a course of study, they take priests' Orders and 
return to England. But with the view of throwing light 
on the wretched state of that Kingdom and the miserable 
plight of its Catholic inhabitants, a book on the English 
persecution has been republished at the expense of the 
College, to which have been added plates descriptive of the 
tortures which the enemies of the faith inflict upon our 
brethren." 1 
The sermons before the Pope were continued with great 
regularity till 1643, when the volun1e, in which these 
oratorical efforts of the English College students are re- 
corded, came to an abrupt ending with apparently one quire 
of paper missing. On two occasions the sermon for St. 
Stephen's Day was preached at the Quirinal instead of the 
Vatican, and two of the selected preachers were only in 
deacons' Orders. One of these two was Thomas Hildesley, 
or, as he was known among the students, Thomas Mallet, 
who came of a good Catholic family of Berks and Oxford- 
shire. He only entered the College in October 1598, as a 
mere boy of fifteen, but he preached in the College Hall 

1 This was probably De Persecutione Anglicana, first printed at Bologna 
in 1581, reprinted with six plates at Rome, 1582, under the title De Per- 
secutione Anglicana com11lentariolus a Collegio Al1glicano Rorn,mo, hoc anno 
1,582 ill Urbe Editores. 


before Cardinal Farnese the next year, on St. Thomas's 
Day, 1599. He was ordained deacon in December 1604, 
and almost immediately after, on St. Stephen's feast, he 
preached, as just recorded, before the Pope and Cardinals. 
He died in the College only a few months later on July 20, 
1605, and is described as being" dear to all on account of his 
remarkable virtues and very great amiability." 
Amongst the other addresses and sermons in this Collec- 
tion there may be specially noted an Oratio delivered by 
John Worthington in 1591, before the General of the Society 
of Jesus and Father Parsons when he came back from 
Spain with the latter. Worthington is an interesting 
personality. He came to Douay on October 13, 1584, with 
his brother Richard; and his uncle, Dr. Worthington, 
notes in the DOllay Diary,l that the two youths had 
suffered imprisonment for the Faith in England and with 
difficulty escaped abroad. He was apparently a son of 
Richard Worthington who died in prison, a Confessor of 
the Faith, in 1590. From Douay he was sent to the Jesuit 
School at Reichnau to study his humanities, and returning 
thence was afterwards in 1590 sent with nine others to 
begin the college at Seville in Spain. Although he is 
entered in the English College Diary as " coming to Rome 
with Father Parsons and becoming an inmate only in 
1597," he was certainly there in 1591, in which year he made 
the address as noted above before the General of the Jesuits. 
He joined the Society on October IS, 1598. 
In 1610 Father Parsons, then Rector of the English 
College, died, and the funeral sermon in the church was 
preached by an English College student, Henry Walker, 
alias Bentley, who had been ordained in 1609. He had been 
admitted to the College in 1598, but had to go back to 
England in 1604, for a time. He publicly defended the whole 
theses of theology, and joined the Society in 1610, the 
year of Father Parsons' death. On the same day, another 
student recited a long Latin poem in memory of the departed 
Rector. This was Thomas Cloford, or Coke, a nephew of 
Lord Chief Justice Coke and a convert to the Faith, who 
had entered the College in 1607. He was not a priest 
in 1610, being ordained only in 1614, and is described" as 
1 Douay Diary. i. p. 203. 


being a youth of great ability." He also subsequently 
became a Jesuit. 
One student, John Lea, or Southcote, a native of London, 
preached twice before the Pope and Cardinals upon St. 
Stephen's Day, in 1610, and again in 1612. He had come 
to the College in 1604, and was ordained priest in April 
1612. In the College Diary it is said of him, "he twice 
publicly defended theses in philosophy, once according to 
our custom, in the school of theology; the second time at 
the Roman College, gaining the highest encomium of Cardinal 
Bellarmine. In his fourth year of theology he made the 
small act before Cardinal Bellarmine and then defended the 
whole theses of theology in the presence of Cardinals, both 
morning and evening." He afterwards took the degree of 
Doctor at Paris in 1623.1 
In this same old volume there is a copy of some Greek 
verses spoken at 1615, at a College Academy before the 
General of the Jesuits, by Robert Stanford or Stafford, son 
of an old Catholic family of Perry Hall, Staffordshire. After 
making his early studies in England, and at St. Omer's, 
Stafford came to the English College in 1613. He was 
ordained in 1616, having u admirably defended at the Rome 
College the theses in philosophy." In 1617 he, too, entered 
the Society of Jesus. 
Two other sermons preached before Pope Urban VIII in 
1642 and 1643 may be noted, since they are the last entered 
in the volume now in the Archives from which these records 
are taken. The first was preached on St. Stephen's Day by 
Charles Baker, who had come to the College in 1638 and had 
been made priest in 1642, a few months before his sermon. 
His real name was David Lewis, but he was generally known 
in England as Charles Baker. He subsequently joined the 
Society and died a glorious martyr for the Faith in 1680. 
The second and the last sermon recorded was preached by 
George Paulet, whose real name was Matthew Thimelby, 
who came to the College in 1638 and was ordained priest 
in 1643, in which year he was the preacher in the Sistine 
Chapel on St. Stephen's Day. 
To the account of these sermons and addresses may be 
added what :Moroni relates in his Cappella Pontificia 2 in 
1 Foley, Records, vi. p. 223. I pp. 385-6. 


regard to the Cappella for the feast of St. Thomas of 
Canterbury, which was held by the Cardinals of the C on- 
gregazione dell' Ùnmullità eccles'iastica in the church of the 
English College. After speaking of the foundation of the 
College on the site of the old Hospice by Pope Gregory XIII, 
and the rebuilding of the church by Cardinal Howard in 
1575, he writes: "We know from Burcardus that the 
cappella above named was celebrated in his time. In 
1502 on the 29th of December, a solemn 
Iass was sung in 
the church of the English Hospice, on the feast of St. Thomas 
of Canterbury," in the presence of cardinals and prelates. 
Perhaps this afterwards fell into disuse as it is not noted 
in 1623. In confirmation, however, of what Burcardus 
relates, 1\10roni cites from the Archives of the College the 
following: "Sermon preached on the feast of St. Thomas 
of Canterbury before the Cardinals in the English College 
1589," and" Sermon preached, etc., 1590." 
To the above Moroni adds that when James III, the 
King of England, lived in Rome, in 1721, on the morning 
of the feast, Pope Clement XI went to the church and 
celebrated Mass, before the Cappella Cardinalizia, and 
added a collect for the Queen, who was then expecting her 
confinement. After the return of Pius VII to Rome, as 
the College chapel had been destroyed, the Cappella of 
Cardinals on the feast could not be held there, and so in 
1815, Cardinal Pacca, then Dean of the Sacred College, 
and pro-Prefect of the "Congregation of ecclesiastical 
immunities," caused the Cappella to be celebrated in the 
Church of S. Silvestro in Capite. This Cappella Cardinalizia 
was always held with great solemnity. The Cardinals were 
in full dress as in a Papal chapel, and the prelates and con- 
sultors in their full ecclesiastical robes. A bishop sang the 
Mass, and the Pontifical choir sang Palestrina's motet, lIic 
est vere Martyr. 
Besides these public sermons, addresses and defensions, 
the English College students used to take part in plays, 
etc., in Latin, Italian and English. The remnants of a 
volume in the Archives contain four of the Latin plays 
composed, no doubt, by one of the Jesuit professors for 
the students to act. The four are: the Tragedy oj Blessed 
Thomas More, apparently written in 1612: the Tragedy oj 


St. Thomas of Canterbury; a Drama-tragedo-comico called 
Caþtiva Religio, and a Tragedy called Roffensis, relating the 
trial and martyrdom of Blessed John Fisher. That these 
were not the only histrionic performances of the students 
may be learnt from such an unlikely source of information 
as Evelyn's Dz'ary. The author came to Rome in November 
1644, bringing with him letters of introduction amongst 
others to Father Courtney, U the chief of the Jesuits in the 
English College"; and on December 29 he says: U We were 
invited to the English Jesuites to dinner, being their great 
feast of St. Thomas of Canterbury. We dined in their 
Common Refectory, and afterwards saw an Italian Comedy 
acted by their alumni before the Cardinals." And again 
the following year, 1645, Evelyn says: U On Monday in 
Easter week April IS we were entertained at night with 
an English play at the Jesuites, where we before had dined." 
On the first occasion, when Evelyn dined in the College 
Refectory on St. Thomas's Day, a note in the Pilgrim Book 
states that U about fifty dined in the College, besides the 
celebrant Bishop." 1 
Several references have already been made to the testi- 
mony of the A nnual Letters as to the religious fervour which 
animated the students at various periods. It will be useful 
to give a quotation from another of these letters written 
in 1582. U The fervour of our students," the writer says, 
U shows no signs of flagging, on the contrary, it grows 
the more intense as the condition of their wretched country 
is the nlore deplorable. They are all earnest in prayer, 
and so given to bodily austerities as to need the bridle 
rather than the spur. 
U Twenty of their number have this year made the 
Spiritual Exercises, withdrawing for a few days from the 
company of their companions, to take an account of their 
1 In Evelyn's Memoirs we find some remarks as to the English Society 
of Rome at the time. when he was brought into contact with it. This 
Society had two centres, so to speak, two poles of attraction: one was 
the English College, near Piazza Farnese, then directed by English Jesuits; 
the other was Cardinal Francesco Barberini, who, as Evelyn puts it, styled 
himself "the Protector of the English," to whom he was indeed very 
The Jesuits were very hospitable to Evelyn, and on va;ious occasions 
entertained him and Milton to dinner (f. Evelyn's Visit to Rome in 1644-5, 
D. Sesoroni Roma, 1899). 

19 2 


past lives, and to meditate on the life and example of Christ, 
as the model they are to copy in their future conduct. 
They further seek out diverse methods of progressing in 
virtue, of overcoming, for instance, the desire of esteem and 
of making advance in humility. As prudent wrestlers they 
seek by the practice of self-conquest in private, to fit them- 
selves to encounter one day the implacable hatred of the 
heretics, and thus more easily withstand their assaults and 
their cruelty; in their self-imposed austerities having in 
view the tortures that await them should they chance to 
fall into the hands of those who are thirsting for their blood. 
They ever bear in mind that they are a remnant snatched 
from the ruin of their country, and gathered together here 
by a special favour of Divine Providence to fit themselves 
by virtue and learning to free England from the yoke of 
heresy, even though the sword of the foe bar their path, 
and their own life blood be the price they have to pay for 
ransoming souls from the dark captivity of falsehood and 
error. This is the constant topic of their domestic exhorta- 
tions and sermons, as well as of their private conversation." 1 
One thing that strikes the reader in turning over the 
pages of the College Diary is the number of the students 
of the College who either succumbed to the climate or had 
to seek elsewhere for health. which made longer residence 
in Rome impossible. It has already been pointed out that 
Pope Gregory XIII fully recognised this, and in his generosity 
sought a remedy by providing some place outside the city 
for fresh air for the students; and so pressing did he con- 
sider the need that he set aside one of the papal villas for 
the purpose until he could procure some property adapted 
for a country house for the students. This he quickly did, 
and there are numerous notices of days spent in the vine- 
yards, which had been purchased outside the walls of Rome, 
in order to give to the English students the recreation and 
exercise necessary for keeping them in health in a foreign 
A notice of one of these places on the Palatine, which at 
one time belonged to the English College. appears in a work 
published in London in 1840. It is interesting to reproduce 
it here. U Among other strange vicissitudes which have 
1 Foley, Records, vi. p. 81. 


been witnessed by these now silent halls and roofless temples, 
amid which we stand (i. e. on the Palatine), not the least 
interesting is the fact that the splendid palace of the Cæsar, 
who despoiled Caractacus and his countrymen of their 
humble cottages in Britain, at length became the inheritance 
of their exiled descendants in the sixteenth century; and 
the Tricliniul1t of mighty Emperors was recently used as 
a refectory for meek and unanlbitious students. In the 
vestibule leading to the College dining-room I observed 
some interesting portraits, and in spite of the dust and the 
cobwebs which now overshadow them I was able to decypher 
the following names: S. Gregorius A ngliæ A postolus.. S. 
Thomas C antuariensis A rchiePiscopus .. Jacobus Tertius 
Rex A ngliæ, H enricus Cardil1alis Eboracensis. 
tI The painting, however, which more particularly 
attracted my attention represented, over the entrance to 
the chapel, a youth in the collegiate uniform holding a 
scroll whereon was inscribed: · 0 Bone Jesu! converte 
Angliam: humillime supplicat collegiunl Anglicanum de 
Urbe.' But hither alas! the studious youth of Albion's 
isle no longer come to pray for their country's conversion. 
Even the comparatively modern chambers and convivial 
halls have become the confused store rooms of a poor 
gardener and his family, and the desecrated oratory is now 
the squalid retreat of the birds of the air and the beasts of 
the field." 1 

1 Reminiscences of Rome, ii. p. 189, London, Jones, 1840. 
At the present day the only remains of this house and garden be- 
longing to the English College are two stone gate pillars on the road 
opposite the old gas works, with the rose of England and the thistle of 
Scotland carved on them. 
Murray's Rome (1899, p. 92) has the following: .. Vigna del Collegio 
Inglese on the S. slope of the Palatine (the Orti Roncioni or Castelli 
formed part of the English College territory); in it stood the Septizonium. 
It was entered through the Orti Roncioni (Stadium) and also from the 
Circus Maximus through a house on the Via de' Cerchi. The semicircular 
entrance to the Vigna from the C.M. is or was lately still standing and 
I think there are roses and thistles on it." 
II The Vigna del Collegio Inglese with the Palace of Severus was 
bought in 1857 by Pius IX" (Murray, 1899, p. 92). 
Mgr. Prior says that about ten years ago the last portion of the Vigna 
was sold for the Passegiata Archæologica and that names of English College 
students of the eighteenth century were to be seen on the walls of an 
adjoining tower, since destroyed. 



WHEN Pope Gregory XIII erected the English College in 
157 8 , he incorporated with his new foundation the old 
Hospice of the Holy Trinity, St. Thomas and St. Edmund. 
This ancient Institution had, as has been pointed out, 
long been the centre of English life in the Eternal City, 
and the place to which travellers from the British Isles 
naturally found their way for counsel and aid. By the 
old constitutions of its establishment poor people had a 
right to claim food and lodging for a limited period of 
eight days which in practice was often extended; and 
even the rich had quarters in which they could claim to 
sta y for a term of three days if they so wished. Beyond 
this the authorities were very frequently called upon to 
give substantial help in money and clothes, and even to 
arrange for the lodging of poor pilgrims when for some 
reason they could not be accommodated in the Hospice 
itself . 
Some of the information to be gathered from the early 
Registers still existing in the College archives as to the 
reception of travellers, etc., at the old Hospice has been 
already given. After its incorporation with Pope Gregory 
XIII's new foundation, although the obligation to receive 
and succour English tra vellers and poor pilgrims is not 
specially mentioned in the papal bull, from the first it was 
understood that the duty, incun1bent upon the authorities 
of the College, existed, and it was faithfully complied with. 
In fact, and for nearly a hundred years from the erection 
of the College, the Rectors kept a detailed list of all those 
who had applied to them for help, or had been received 
into the part of the building still reserved for the use of the 
pilgrims. The interesting and precious volume, known 



as the Pilgrim Book,1 contains the systematic entries 
made as to the visitors entertained from 1580 to 1656, 
and it is certain that some such register was kept subse- 
quently, as one other small book records those from 1733 
to 1768. The a verage yearly nun1ber of pilgrims was 
apparently between thirty and forty, although in 1585 
no fewer than sixty-nine were entertained by the College. 
This number, although considerable, was by no means so 
large as in the early part of the sixteenth century, when 
of course England was wholly Catholic, and pilgrhns to 
the Holy Shrines of Rome were more numerous. Thus, 
In 1506 we find the record of 202 persons lodged or assisted 
out of the funds of the old Hospice, and of these 147 were 
poor pilgrims. Again in 1507 over two hundred, of whom 
two-thirds were poor, including twenty Welsh strangers, 
were entertained. 
In the volume above referred to, and known as the 
Pilgrim Book proper, are to be found many interesting 
names of visitors to Rome in the latter half of the sixteenth 
century and the first half of the seventeenth. This im- 
portant record has been printed in the volume of the Jesuit 
Records, which deals with the English College,2 and Brother 
Foley, S.]., the editor, has given many interesting particulars 
regarding some of the persons whose names are entered in 
the register. Some of these may well be referred to in 
this story of the College, and son1e additions may be made 
of names, which are worth noting, but which the editor 
does not specially mention. 
II The entries," writes the editor, II display a very large 
number of visitors of every rank and condition. Thus we 
find the first entry in the book: 1580, December 29. The 
illustrious Dom Thomas Arundel, an Englishman of the 
Diocese of . . . was this day admitted as the first guest, 
and ren1ained with us for three days." This was the cele- 
brated Sir Thomas Arundell . . . surnamed the II Valliant," 
who distinguished himself by his daring bravery at the 
battle of Gran, when he took with his own hands the famous 
standard of l\iahomet, and was created a Count of the 

1 English College. Archives. MS. 282. 
2 Yo1. vi. (supplemental volume). 


Holy Roman Empire in 1595, and first Baron Arundell of 
\Yardour in 1605. At the date of his visit to the English 
Hospice, he was a youth travelling in Italy and other parts. 
U We also meet with the Duke of Buckingham and his 
suite; the Earls of Carnarvon, Devon, Bolingbroke and 
his son, Lords St. John, Banbury, Stanhope, etc., the Lords 
Berkeley, Petre (John), Paget, Compton, Kensington, 
:Mowbray, Sherwood, Howard, Stafford (brother to the 
Earl of Arundel), Hamilton, Herbert (John), son of the 
Earl of Pembroke; Plantagenet (Henry), eldest (only) son 
of Edward, the second 
Iarquis of Worcester, regarding 
whom a note is appended: '1649, December 20. This 
most noble pilgrim came to us, and remained until February 
the 14th following, affording a remarkable example to 
all the College from his habit of constant prayer, spiritual 
conversation and humility. On leaving us he thought of 
proceeding to Jerusalem.' 
U The name of the Crown Prince of Tunis also occurs. 
He is stated to have fled away to Rome to be instructed 
in the Catholic religion. The Hospice received likewise 
many of the old Catholic families: e. g. Pole (Sir Geoffrey 
Pole with his boyan exile), Paston, Consfield, Fortescue, 
Yelverton, Shireburn, Walpole, Bedingfield, Gage, Digby, 
etc., not to omit the son of the Protestant Bishop of 
Chichester; a brother of the Secretary of the First Lord 

f the Treasury; and a son of the Secretary of State. Per- 
haps the most remarkable of the visitors to the Hospice 
were the two poets, John Milton and Richard Crashaw. 
U :Milton, on October 3 0 , 1638, became a guest and, 
with the Hon. Mr. Carey, brother of Lord Falkland, Dr. 
Holling of Lancashire and Mr. Fortescue, , English Gentle- 
men,' dined with the Jesuit Fathers and students in the 
College refectory. Milton was then making his travels 
in Italy, which he commenced in 1637, upon the death of 
his mother." 
Richard Crashaw, after being expelled from Cambridge, 
for refusing to sign U The Solemn League and Covenant," 
became a Catholic. He received letters of recommendation 
to I tal y from Queen Henrietta Maria of England, then an 
exile in Paris. On his arrival at Rome in the pilgrim's 



habit, he went to the Hospice, and the following entry 
is in the Pilgrim Book: "Richard Crashaw, a pilgrim, 
arrived November 28, 1646 and remained fifteen days in 
the English Hospice." Among the names in this register 
of pilgrims are many of those who had suffered, or were 
to suffer for their religion. They came to Rome after 
enduring prison, and, when banished from their native 
country, in order to renew their fervour by visiting the 
sacred places of the Eternal City. Youths intended for 
the College frequently remained for a time in the Hospice, 
until provision had been made for their beginning their 
scholastic course, or permission had been obtained to place 
them upon the Foundation, a matter which depended upon 
the Cardinal Protector. Very frequently, indeed, guests 
outstayed the lawful period, and it was sometimes impossible 
to lodge all of them in the Hospice buildings. In this 
latter case the poor strangers had their food in the house; 
but their lodging was found for them in a neighbouring 
place, which very frequently was a house called the" White 
Cross," in the Piazza Farnese. 
To take a few more examples of the interesting visitors 
who came to the College in the first two centuries of its 
existence: in the first year, namely 1581, a special record 
was kept. Among the six-and-thirty people entertained, 
besides Sir Thomas Arundell already noticed, was" the 
illustrious Earl of Westmoreland-with three servants." 
This was the last of the Nevilles, attainted for the northern 
rebellion in 1569. On November 14, Sir Thomas Vavasour 
of Hazlewood was a guest and remained eight days. This 
was probably the famous Catholic knight who raised forces 
and equipped vessels to defend Queen Elizabeth against 
the Spanish Armada. I t is said that for his zeal the Queen 
extended her protection to his chapel and would not suffer 
the family to èe molested in the exercise of their religion. 
The following year "Sir Geoffrey Pole with his son and 
servant were received in the Hospice for ten days." He was 
probably the son of the Countess of Salisbury and brother 
of the Cardinal, who with his other brother, Lord Montague, 
was condemned to death together with their n1other. Sir 
Geoffrey falling sick was reprieved, but all his estates were 



confiscated. One of his children-we like to think it was 
the boy named in the Pilgrim Book-once, by a threat 
of instant death, forced a priest-hunter, who was in search 
of him, to eat his own warrant and vow never again to 
n10lest Catholics. 
In 1583 several priests, afterwards martyrs in England 
for the Faith, visited the Hospice, and at the same time- 
that is in April-a notorious Government spy called James 
Young found his way into the College. At first it is clear 
that the authorities with charitable intent were too ready 
to welcome all English strangers who sought admission 
to the Hospice. Later on, however, it was specially ordered 
that, whatever charity they might extend to the poor, 
no one was to become a guest without producing letters of 
introduction from some known person. In the September of 
the same year, 1583, we find that one Stephen Brinckley was 
a guest for ten days. This was the friend of Father Parsons, 
who subsequently became a printer of his books at Rouen. 
He had just been liberated from imprisonment in the Tower 
of London, where he had for his companion one William 
Carter. They are entered in a list, in March 1583, of 
II Tower prisoners to pay their own (lyete" as: "Stephen 
Brinckley and '\Villiam Carter, printers and disseminators 
of Catholic books." Carter was executed at Tyburn for 
his religion January II, 1584. Our Stephen Brinckley 
before his imprisonment had helped Father Parsons to set 
up: a private press at a house near Green Street, East Ham, 
Essex, but it had soon to be broken up, and ren10ved else- 
where. In June 1583 Brinckley was set free and came to 
Rome with Father Parsons. After this he retired to Rouen 
and took the place of George Flinton the former Catholic 
printer there, who died at this time. 
The following year the name of Richard Verstigen, the 
well-known author of The Restitution of Decayed Intelligences, 
catches the eye in the list of guests received. In 15 8 5 
and 1586 several of the seventy-two priests who had been 
exiled for their religion in the former year found their way 
to Rome. One of them was Edmund Sykes of Yorkshire, 
who on his return to England was again captured, and died 
for the Catholic faith at York, :March 23, 1587. Another 



was Eustasius \Vhite, who also received the martyr's crown 
in 1591 ; and a third was Robert J\.lorton, who was afterwards 
hanged in Lincoln's Inn Fields in 1598. In 159 8 some of the 
guests remained for much longer than the statutes allowed; 
one was entertained for forty-eight days, another for fifty- 
eight and another for seventy-two. This breach of the 
regulations was constantly being condelnned, since the 
charity of the superiors seemed to know no bounds, and 
frequently landed thern into debt. 
I t would be interesting to have more particulars of some 
of the travellers than we can glean from the notes given 
in the Pilgrim Book. For instance, who was the musician 
described as a priest of Herefordshire? He was named 
William Davis, and came on November 29, 1600, and was 
immediately appointed Prefect of the Choir. Who, again, 
was l\1r. Winter of Worcestershire, who came in 1601 and 
stayed thirteen days? He was probably Robert Winter, 
or Wintour, who suffered death on account of the Gunpowder 
Plot in 1605; but it would be satisfactory to know whether 
this is so; and, if so, whether he gave the spelling of his 
name as "'Tinter and not Wintour. Only once is his name 
spelled by himself Winter. The Government plotter 
always used that form, but Wintour himself never, except 
in the one document of his supposed confession, to which 
is appended the signature Cl Winter" in place of his habitual 
Cl Wintour." 
On the feast of St. Thomas of Canterbury, the Patron 
of the College and Hospice, it was and is the custom to 
invite the English residents in Rome to dinner. Sometimes 
there were forty or more guests on the occasion. For 
instance, in 1629 there is this entry on December 29: 
Cl To-day all the English in Rome were received to dinner, 
among whom were about eight noble laymen, four of whom 
(then Protestants) were shortly afterwards admitted to 
the College for the sake of conversion." At one of these 
feasts, as we have already noted, Evelyn was a guest. 
In 16 35 there is the following record: Cl Petty, :Mr., 
Decen1ber 12th. Being sent to Italy by the King and the 
Earl of Arundel, to search for ancient documents, dined 
in the Refectory with J\.1r. Knowles:' The Earl of Arundel 


referred to here must have been Henry Howard, fourth 
Earl., and he was then engaged in adding to the wonderful 
collection of MSS. formed by his father the sixth Duke 
of Norfolk. He gave a portion of the collection to the 
College of Arms, and others, at the suggestion of EvelYn, 
to the Royal Society, which subsequently sold them to the 
British Museum, where the collection is known as It The 
Arundel Manuscripts." It is very interesting to find the 
English Hospice connected with the antiquarian employed 
to gather these MSS. treasures for the Earl of Arundel, 
and to enrich the Royal collection of King James I. 
The following year, 1636, three distinguished Englishmen 
were entertained at dinner on October 5. The first was 
Sir George Ent, called in the Pilgrim Book, Entie, the 
physician, who, after studying at Cambridge, spent five 
years at Padua, where he graduated M.D., April 28, 1636, 
and who later became one of the original Fellows of the 
Royal Society. \Vith him at the English College was 
Sir \Villiam Greaves-(Graves in the Pilgrim Book)- 
the astronomer and Orientalist, who had been a fellow- 
student with Ent at Padua, and the more celebrated Dr. 
William Harvey, the discoverer of the circulation of the 
blood, who is described in the Register as It :M.D. to the 
King of England." All three were life-long friends. Dryden 
has commemorated the friendship of Harvey and Ent; 
and Harvey by his will left Ent five pounds to buy a mourning 
In 1637, on the 1st of April, there is the following entry 
as to a visit from the well-known writer of the account of 
the state of Catholics in England at this time: It Panzani, 
Gregory, Dom, returning from England, whither he had 
been sent by Cardinal Barberini, was invited to the College, 
and politely accepted it." On October 26, the following 
year, John 1iilton, the poet, was a guest of the College. 
His fr
end in Rome was Lucas Holstenius, who had been 
at Oxford and London, and who, after being converted 
to the Catholic faith, became secretary to Cardinal Barberini 
when Papal Nuncio at Paris, and came with him to Rome 
in 1627. On March 30, 1639, five months after his arrival 
in Rome, :Milton wrote to Holstenius about the kindness 



sho\\Jn hhn by Cardinal Barberini, U who gave a public 
musical entertainment with truly Roman n1agnificence, 
he himself waiting at the doors, and seeking me out in 
so great a crowd, nay almost laying hold of me by the hand, 
adnlÏtted me within in a truly Inost honourable manner." 
Particular instances of the interesting and Ï1nportant 
English visitors to the College to be found in the Pilgrim 
Book could be multiplied to almost any extent. The 
above, however, are sufficient to show how, even after 
the severance of England from Rome in the sixteenth 
century, the English College and its Hospice continued 
to be the centre of national life in the Eternal City. It 
was regarded as the natural place to which all travellers 
from the British Isles found their way. 
A later book contains notes of visitors from 1733 to 177I. 
The records in it are not so well kept as previously, and 
in fact there is a note therein to say that there had been 
great carelessness in keeping up the entries; but it is obvious 
that the same abundant charity was dispensed by the 
authorities as in earlier times. In these years a great 
number of people sought for help after having COlne to the 
C onverfendi to be instructed in the Catholic religion and 
after their reception into the Church. The practice is 
also seen to have been kept up of sending poor people, who 
could not be actually received into the Hospice, to lodge 
in the U White Cross," in the Piazza Farnese. 
With regard to the guests received at the old Hospice, 
a manuscript, still in the College archives. records the 
gratitude of one such in the fifteenth century. This :MS. 
is a volume containing the poetical works of John Lydgate. 
and at the end of it there is written: U This ys Richard 
Turnbyll is boke. record of l\lr. Carne (?) and :Mary :l\Iore 
of the hospitalitie in Rome. Wry ten the first day of 
marriage." Bound up with these poems is a long tract 
upon animals and hunting dedicated to Prince Henry. 
son of King Henry IV. afterwards King Henry V. 
One of the last of the English to be buried in the College 
was the young daughter of Henry Swinburne. whose epitaph 
is still seen in the church. This is printed in full by Hare 
(Tralks in Rome. ii. p. 167), but there is some mistake about 



the date of her father's birth, as given in the Dictionary 
0/ National Biograþhy. According to the inscription, 
composed in English by It disconsolate parent," this young 
lady must have been a very extraordinary person. Her 
name was :Martha, and she was born October 10, 1758, 
and died in Rome September 8, 1767, or, as the brief Latin 
inscription says, 1768; which would make her nine or ten 
years old. Still, as the inscription has it: .. Her years 
were few, but her life was long and full. She spoke English, 
French and Italian and had n1ade some progress in the 
Latin tongue; she knew English and Roman histories, 
arithmetic and geography; sang the most difficult music 
at sight with one of the finest voices in the world, was a 
great proficient on the harpsichord, wrote well and danced 
many sorts of dances with strength and elegance," etc.! 

1 His Lordship the Bishop of Clifton on this writes: " I only lately 
discovered, wrulst reading the greatest authority on Latin epigraphy, 
Morcelli (De stUo inscriþtionum Latinarum, Rome, 17 80 , p. 414), that 
he rumself, at the request of Giovanni Senetti, the little girl's tutor, had 
composed for her a Latin epitaph in iambic verse, containing much the 
same matter as the English one, but of course a much finer composition. 
We learn from it that her mother's name was Baker, and a Thomas 
Gascoigne is introduced as companion of the family's travels." The 
difficulty of reconciling the dates of the inscription with those given in 
the Dict. oj Nat. Biography cannot be got over. Henry Swinburne is 
there said to have been born in 1743 and to have married, as his second 
wife, Martha Baker, on March 24, 1767- It would be consequently im- 
possible for him to have a daughter born in 1758. But the date of his 
birth is certainly wrong, as he is said to have married his first wife in 
17 2 1. He must have married his second wife and the mother of the 
prodigy buried in the English College Church in 1757, and not in 1767 as 
the Dictionary states, Sir Thomas Gascoigne was the travelling com- 
panion of the family from 177 6 . 



IN 179B the English College practically ceased to exist, and 
it remained desolate and empty for some twenty years. The 
previous year Pope Pius VI was compelled by Napoleon, 
at the Peace of Tolentino, to surrender Avignon, Ferrara, 
Bologna and the Romagna. In an attempt to revolutionise 
Ron1e, the French General Dupont was shot at and killed, 
whereupon the French took Rome on February 10, 179B, 
and proclaimed the Roman Republic. Because the Pope 
refused to submit, he was forcibly taken from Rome in the 
night of February 20 and carried off to Florence. There 
he remained for a year, when he became seriously ill, and 
in this state was hurried over the Alps to Valence, where 
he died before he could be removed further. His successor 
was elected at Venice in the person of Cardinal Chiaramonte, 
and crowned Supreme Pontiff on March 21, 1Boo, under 
the name of Pius VII. The new Pope managed to return 
to Rome on July 3 of the same year. 
For the next eight years the life of the Holy Father in 
the Eternal City was one of extreme difficulty, and he was 
unable to reorganise the ecclesiastical establishments of the 
Eternal City which had suffered under the French republican 
régime. So the English national College amongst others 
remained closed. 
On March 16, 1BoB, Cardinal Cassoni, Secretary of State, 
published at Rome the following notice: U His Holiness 
Pius VII, being unable to conform to all the demands made 
on him by the French Government. . . as they are con- 
trary to his sacred duties and the dictates of his conscience; 
and being thus compelled to submit to the disastrous 
consequences which have been threatened and to the military 
occupation of his capital in case he should not submit to 
such demands. . . places his cause in the hands of the 
20 3 

20 4 


Almighty, etc." Accordingly the same day General Miollis 
took possession of Rome at the head of 5000 or 6000 French 
troops and located some 30,000 men throughout the Ponti- 
fical States. 
A year later on May 17, 1809, a decree was published 
annexing all the Papal States and the city of Rome itself 
to the French Empire; the change of Government being 
formally proclaimed in Rome on June 10.1 One of the 
main causes of the Holy Father's troubles was his refusal, 
at Napoleon's demand, to shut his ports against English 
ships and to exile all the English resident in Rome, and so 
the English generally, and the English College in particular, 
were made to feel the effect of the Emperor's anger. One 
of the first acts of the Republican authorities in Rome was 
directed against this National Institution. A commissary 
was appointed, and he forthwith closed the College, and 
proceeded to deal with the property. The Abbey of Saviano 
at Piacenza, which had been given by the Pope for the 
support of the establishment, was sold for 150,000 scudi 
and the money confiscated; the College itself was sacked 2 
and part of the property sold or otherwise disposed of. The 
archi ves, however, were sa ved through the action of a 
faithful friend who carried them off and hid them. "Vhen 
better days returned and the establishment was once more 
opened to the English students, the precious documents 
were restored, and long afterwards the family of this faithful 
friend received from the College a pension as a small reward 
for his service in this matter. Meanwhile the Italian 
Superiors had been sent away, and the English students, 
who were then only sixteen in number, were at the sanle 
time dispatched to England. The buildings of the College 
after this were used first as barracks for the French soldiers, 
then as General Quarters for Murat's troops, and later as 
a place for the local police, and they were utilised for similar 
public purposes and offices until the return of the Pope 
from his captivity in France in 1814. 
His Lordship the Bishop of Clifton sends me the 
1 Cf. Ward's Eve of Catholic Emancipation, i. p. 223. 
2 Fr. John Connolly, Q,P. (afterwards second Bishop of New York), 
wrote to Bishop Plunkett of Meath in March 1798, saying: U The French 
have seized on and sold everything belonging to the English and Scots 
Colleges here" (quoted by Fr. Nolan, The Basilica of S. Clemente, p. 13 0 ). 


following interesting extract from a Diary he kept when 
he was in the Venerabile in 1886. It contains many par- 
ticulars about the inscriptions, etc., saved from the ruins 
of the old church of the College when the English again 
obtained possession of the buildings, or what remained of 
cc Three-quarters of an hour interesting converse with 
the Rector in the new church. 
cc InscriPtions , etc.-These were mostly smashed during 
the French occupation, when the College became a barracks. 
During the Napoleonic Kingdom of Italy, when the College 
became a Court of Law, Prince Aldobrandíni carried off the 
greater part of the fragmentary nlarbles that lay about. 
cc Cardinal \Viseman collected what relics of interest 
survived, and stored them in what is now the Reception 
" Mgr. O'Callaghan rescued part of an inscription or so 
from the Aldobrandini Villa on the Quirinal. 
cc A copy of the Inscriptions had been made by one 
of the old generation of students, Mr. Kirk 1 (of Lichfield) ; 
of this copy he made a transcript and sent it to our Rector. 
Mr. Kirk was then a very old man. From this and with 
the aid of documents in the Vatican, the Rector reproduced 
the inscriptions as they are now seen in the church. 
cc Bodies.-These were exhumed by some predecessor 
of the Rector, when the foundations of the present church 
(some twenty feet deep) were dug. They arc now kept in 
two loculi in the Crypt, just beneath the Dereham nlonu- 
ment, and over them is the leaden coffin of Sir Thos. 
Dereham himself." 
About the year 1821, Dr. Gradwell gave the following 
account of his work for the restoration of the College, of 
which he became Rector in March 1818: "One of the 
first cares of the Supreme Pontiff after his return to Rome 
was to restore the Institutions that had been suppressed or 
taken from their pious uses during the days of anarchy. 
The English Prelates, when congratulating the Holy Father 

1 John Kirk of Salop was born in 1760 and came to the College in 
1773, being actually the last scholar received by the Jesuit Superiors just 
before they handed over the government to secular priests, after having 
governed it for the long period of 193 years. 



on his liberation and return, recommended to his paternal 
heart the re-establishment of the English College under the 
government of national Superiors. 
U The Pope gave them a favourable reply, and com- 
missioned the Cardinal Protector, Braschi, to write a report 
on the matter, and Cardinal Litta, Prefect of Propaganda, 
to comnlunicate with the English Bishops." 
There were still difficulties, the nature of which appears 
in a letter written to Cardinal Consalvi from London on 
November 13, I81!. Sir John Coxe Hippisley thus speaks 
of the National Colleges in Rome: U Allow me, mon cher 
ami, to tell you, with my usual frankness, what I think 
about the affairs of our national Colleges. Your Eminence 
knows well that I have for many years been occupied in 
requests about these. I received from the late Venerable 
Pontiff, the most solemn promises that the restoration of 
the same government which subsisted in the tinles of the 
Jesuits, should not again be established. I find at present 
that though national Superiors are to be appointed, these 
are for education only, and others are to take charge of the 
temporalities of these colleges. You know very well, mon 
cher ami, that this was not so in the time of the English 
Jesuits, and I doubt whether it would be possible to find 
any respectable persons to take charge of the education of 
the scholars, under these conditions. The nomination of 
an Italian Procurator would become absolutely useless. . . . 
The Procurator would probably absorb the pension of four 
students. The auditor of the Cardinal Protector of each 
college is a sufficient check upon the administration of the 
national Superiors. Allow me to say that this Imperium 
in Imperio would be most disadvantageous and odious. If 
I could have foreseen this I would have spared myself many 
years of trouble; pardon me if I say confidentially to you 
that I am astonished that any Cardinal Protector could 
desire for the appointment of such a Procurator to place 
himself in opposition to the united wishes of all the clergy 
of the three kingdoms, and try to impose his view upon 
the paternal soul of His Holiness, by annulling the true 
spirit of the promises, which his worthy Predecessor made 
me, and which I have often cited to our Government, as a 
proof of the noble sentiments of yours." 


[To face þ. 207 


Bishop Ward writes that a scheme was at this tinle put 
forward U that Milner (who was at this time in Rome) 
should become Rector of the English College, which it was 
hoped soon to re-open. Cardinal Braschi was still the 
· Protector.' He had for many years been paralysed in 
his lower limbs, and was unable to take much active share 
in business. The proj ect of re-opening the College in fact 
emanated fronl Cardinal Litta." 1 But Dr. Gradwell, who 
had the best possible means of knowing the facts, 
considered that the project had come from the English 
Bishops and the Holy Father himself. Dr. Milner had 
apparently no wish to take the office of Rector, and sug- 
gested to the Roman authorities the name of the Rev. 
Stephen Green, and Dr. Poynter, who was consulted, pro- 
posed the Rev. William Wilds of Warwick Street, or the 
Rev. John Lingard. 
Propaganda asked for special information about the 
Rev. Stephen Green, then missionary at Greenwich, but his 
failing health made his appointment as Rector of the 
English College in Rome impossible, and in fact he died 
shortly after his name had been suggested by Dr. Milner, 
a Ie martyr of charity." Cardinal Litta's letter on the sub- 
ject is dated July r3, r8r4; but nothing was concluded 
until in April r8r7 the Protector, Cardinal Braschi, died, and 
the jurisdiction of Cardinal Galeffi, a relation of Braschi 
whom the Pope had appointed to act during his illness, 
came to an end. 
In r8r7, however, the Pope told Cardinal Consalvi to 
write at once to the English Bishops, bidding them make 
choice of some priests, who had their full confidence, to take 
the post of Rector of the English College. They chose the 
Rev. Robert Gradwell, who started for Rome in September, 
and reached the Eternal City after a perilous journey only 
on November 3, r8r7. He temporarily took up his lodging 
at the Scots' College. At first there were rumours that the 
Jesuits desired once more to return to the Government of 
the Venerabile, and Dr. Gradwell evidently believed that 
there was truth in the reports. But the Pope assured him 
that no petition to that effect had been received, and he 
was quickly assured that he would be nominated at once 
1 Eve of Catholic Emancipation, ii. p. 112. 



and be given possession of the establishment, and in fact 
larch 8, 1818, he received from the Cardinal Secretary 
of State the Biglietto of his nomination. 
"The building," says Dr. Gradwell, U was empty, and 
only bare walls were left standing. The financial state of 
the College was in great confusion and only 3000 scudi were 
left in the bank, which was promptly invested." More than 
a year's income of the College had at once to be spent on 
restoration and necessary repairs, and the first care of the 
new Rector was to secure the payment of back rents, to let 
the houses belonging to the College to the best advantage, 
to diminish all useless and unnecessary expenses and to 
furnish the College as far as was necessary. 
The Rector had many difficulties to contend with at 
first. The Italian officials who had been administering the 
College property previously-the esattore or rent collector 
and the computista or accountant-resented the appoint- 
ment of an Englishman and placed many obstacles in his 
way. U They retained the administration of the finances 
and even claimed the right of controlling the domestic 
arrangements, so that on one day the Rector returning 
home found that the cook had been dismissed and there 
was no one to prepare his dinner. He hesitated whether 
to be angry or amused. He had of course to appeal to 
Cardinal Consalvi, and Sir John Coxe Hippisley also wrote, 
and matters were adjusted by the handing over the financial 
administration to the Rector." 1 
To con1memorate this new foundation a memorial 
tablet was erected in the College. 


1 Blshop \Vard, Eve of Catholic Emanciþatioll, iii. p. 8. 


Cardinal Consalvi, after practically filling the office for 
two years, became Protector of the College in 1819. His 
deputati, or official counsellors of the Protector, according 
to the law visited the College at frequent intervals, and 
interfered considerably during the first years until, through 
Dr. Poynter, Cardinal Consalvi arranged matters more 
satisfactorily. At this time the net revenue of the estab- 
lishment was 7486 scudi or thereabouts. 
Cardinal Consalvi took a practical interest in the College. 
In spite of his overwhelming work as Secretary of State 
at this period of reconstruction, he found tinle to superintend 
the framing the Constitutions, by which the re-established 
Pontifical College was to be governed, and in the first years 
when he held the office of Cardinal Protector, he attended 
the regular nlOnthly meetings of the authorities and deþu- 
tati, at which the most minute details were discussed and 
settled, and his signature may still be seen in the Minute 
Book authenticating the proceedings. 
One of the first acts of Dr. Gradwell after his instalnlent 
was to write to the English Bishops begging them to send 
out students. It was agreed that all who came out should 
be sufficiently advanced to enter the philosophical course, 
and it was determined that no tuition should be undertaken 
in the house itself, but that all should attend the lectures 
at the Roman College, now known as the Gregorian Uni- 
versity. In this determination of Cardinal Consalvi there 
was a return to the original Constitution of the College by 
its founder, Pope Gregory XIII. The Vicars-Apostolic, 
with the exception of Dr. Milner, all entered heartily into 
the scheme, and in December 1818 ten students were 
dispatched from England, five from the Northern District, 
four from London and one from the 'Vest. 
Among the five fronl the North was Nicholas Wiseman, 
a student of Ushaw, the future Cardinal whose name and 
fame will ever be associated with the Venerabile. In the 
English College archives is the letter to introduce young 
Wiseman, written by the Rev. G. Brown, secretary to 
Bishop Gibson. After a few words about another of the 
band of students, Mr. Henry Gillow, a member of the 
well-known Lancashire family, he writes: II that Nicholas 
\Viseman is another fixed upon to accompany him, if his 


health will permit, or to follow as soon as he can travel. 
This young man may truly be pronounced above all praise. 
His talents are unrivalled in Ushaw College, his piety is 
fervent and solid, and his character as a Christian scholar 
quite without fault. He is of a good fatnily, and though 
quite independent in his circulnstances, has voluntarily 
devoted hin1self to the English Mission. . . . When they 
ha ve become a little accustomed to the Roman schools, 
I think Mr. Wiseman will not fear to enter the lists with 
any Italian that can stand forth against hin1." 1 
The students set out on October 2, ISIS, from Liverpool 
in a ship bound for Leghorn. Cardinal \ìViseman in his 
Recollections of the Last Four Popes has given a brief account 
of this protracted and at times dangerous voyage which 
extended over several weeks. The ship was expected to 
reach its Italian port in November, and the Rector of the 
College, Dr. Gradwell, who desired to introduce his first 
students to Italy, was waiting for them impatiently at 
Leghorn. After vainly expecting them for several weeks, 
business recalled him to Rome, and it was not till the 
middle of December that the news of their safe arrival 
was received. On the ISth of the month the first party 
arrived, followed the next day by the rest of the ten. 
Cardinal Wiseman has described his first impression of 
the College. II One felt at once at home," he wrote, "it 
was English ground, a part of the fatherland, a restored 
inheritance." 2 The spacious buildings struck the imagina- 
tion of the new-comers, and" the library with its books 
piled up in disorder, and the whole house bore evidence of 
not having been inhabited for nearly the space of a genera- 
tion. The old Church of the Holy Trinity, which had 
formed part of the ancient Hospice, out of which the College 
had been formed, was still standing, though its roof was 
gone. The old altarpiece, a painting by Durante Alberti, 
representing the Holy Trinity and the two patrons of the 
College, St. Edmund the King and Martyr and St. Thomas 
of Canterbury, still occupied its place among the sur- 
rounding desolation. The College church had been' illumi- 
1 Bishop Ward, Eve of Catholic Emanciþation, iii. p. II. 
2 W. 'Yard, Life of Cardinal Wiseman, i. p. 15. 


nated from floor to roof with the Saints of England.' It 
was something to see, that first day, a spot revisited by 
English youths, where many an English pilgrim, gentle or 
simple, had knelt leaning on his trusty staff cut in N eedwood 
or the New Forest; where many a noble student from 
Bologna or Padua had prayed as he had been lodged and 
fed in forma pauperis, when before returning home he came 
to visit the tomb of the Apostles. . . . Around lay scattered 
memorials of the past. One splendid monument erected 
to Sir Thomas Dereham, at the bottom of the church, was 
entirely walled up and so invisible. There were traces, 
too, of the havoc wrought by the French invaders of '98. 
Shattered and defaced lay the richly effigied tombs of an 
Archbishop of York and a Prior of Worcester, and of many 
other English worthies; while sadder wreckage of the 
recent storm was piled up on one side-the skull and bones 
of perhaps Cardinal Allen, Father Parsons and others 
whose coffins had been dragged up from below and con- 
verted into munitions of war. And if there needed a living 
link between the young generation at the door and the old 
one that had passed into the crypt of that venerable church, 
there it was in the person of the more than octogenarian 
porter Vincenzo, who stood, all salutation from the wagging 
appendage to his grey head to the large silver buckles on 
his shoes, mumbling toothless welcomes in an as yet almost 
unknown tongue, but full of humble joy and almost 
patriarchal affection on seeing the haunts of his own youth 
repeopled. JJ 1 
No attempt was made to repair the ruined church of the 
College for obvious reasons, the chief of which was the 
want of means; but the old Sodality chapel afforded ample 
accommodation for the students, and was already prepared 
for their use on their arrival. In 1847 Cardinal Wiseman 
wrote of this spot so sacred to his memory from the begin- 
ning of his scholastic course in Rome: II The first altar 
at which I knelt in the Holy City was that of our glorious 
St. Thomas of Canterbury. There I returned thanks for 
the great blessing of being admitted among his children. 
For two-and-twenty years I daily knelt before the lively 
1 W. 'yard, Life of Cardinal Wiseman, i. p. 16. 



representation of the bread of life. . . . He was n1Y pattern, 
my father, my model. Daily have I prayed him and do 
pray him to give me his spirit of fortitude, to fight the 
battles of the Church, if necessary, to the shedding of 
blood." 1 
A few days after their arrival in Rome, the new students 
were taken by the Rector, Dr. Gradwell, to have an audience 
with the Pope Pius VII. It was the Eve of Christmas 
and the Rector made the following note in the College 
Diary: <<December 24. Took six students to the Pope. 
The other four could not be clothed. The Holy Father 
received them standing, shook hands with each, and wel- 
comed them to Rome. He praised the English clergy for 
their good and peaceful conduct, and their fidelity to the 
Holy See. He exhorted the youth to learning and piety, 
and said: ' I hope you will do honour both to Rome and to 
your country.' ., 
It is interesting to record the impression made on 
Cardinal Wiseman by this memorable visit. <<It will 
easily be conceived," he writes in his Recollections of the 
Last Four Popes, <<that our hearts beat with more than 
usual speed . . . as we ascended the great staircase of 
the Quirinal Palace on Christmas Eve. . . . After passing 
through the magnificent sala regia you proceed through a 
series of galleries adorned with fine old tapestry and other 
works of art, though furnished with the greatest simplicity. 
The last of these was the antechamber to the room occupied 
by the Pope. After a short delay we were summoned to 
enter this-a room so small that it scarcely allowed space 
for the usual genuflections at the door and in the middle 
of the apartment. But instead of receiving us as was 
customary-seated-the mild and amiable Pontiff had 
risen to welcome us and meet us as we approached. He 
did not allow it to be a mere presentation or visit of cere- 
mony. . . . Whatever we had read of his gentleness, con- 
descension and sweetness of his speech, his manner and his 
expression was fully justified, realised and made personal. . . . 
The friendly and almost national grasp of the hand. . . 
after due homage had been willingly paid. . . between 
1 W. Ward, Life of Cardinal Wiseman, i. p. 45. 



, I I 

[To f
ce p. 213. 


the Head of the Church, venerable for his hoary age and 
a youth who had nothing even to promise; . . . the first 
exhortation on entering a course of ecclesiastical study; 
these surely formed a double tie, not to be broken but 
rather strengthened by every subsequent experience." 
Immediately after this visit to the Pope, on the feast 
of St. Thomas of Canterbury, the fornlal inauguration of 
the College was celebrated with great pomp and ceremony. 
Nine Cardinals, including Cardinals Litta, Somaglia, Gregorio 
Doria, etc., were present at a High Mass, which was sung 
by the Pope's own choir. U The altar furniture was lent 
from the Corsini Chapel at St. John Lateran," and many 
English-speaking visitors were present. 
Bishop Ward 1 gives an excellent account of the first 
beginnings of the College from the time of the arrival of the 
students at the end of 1818. From this a long quotation 
may here be permitted. U During the first few weeks, the 
interest and excitement of their new life, and the sight- 
seeing in the Eternal City, provided occupation and interest 
for the new students. After a few months, the Rev. Robert 
Varley, formerly Prefect at St. Edmund's, arrived to fill 
the post of Vice-Rector; but his health giving way, he was 
supplanted by the Rev. William White, from the Northern 
U As time went on the monotony of the life asserted itself, 
and the students grew d.iscontented. They resented their 
daily walks to and from lectures, to which in former times 
the students had not been subjected, contending that in 
the heat of sumlner it was a trial to their health, and called 
out for tuition within the College. They likewise felt 
aggrieved at having to walk out in < Camerata,' as it is 
called in Ron1e, although this was only insisted upon in 
a modified form, complained also < of various restrictions 
incidental to a college in a city.' < They would wish to 
have the privilege of strolling two and two in the Metro- 
polis,' Gradwell writes, < as they would in the lanes and 
fields at Ushaw and Old Hall. This is impossible. . . it 
is quite contrary to all ideas of propriety at Rome, and for 
reasons not very obvious, perhaps, to good lads, would be 
1 Eve of Catholic Emancipation, iii. p. 13 seqq. 



the road to ruin. But, instead of walking out with one 
or two Italian priests for prefects, two of the eldest are 
dressed da Abate and they go in two bodies every after- 
noon, and on some days in the n1orning, where they 
will. ' 
U The feeling of discontent became acute and culminated 
in what Dr. Gradwell described as a t mutiny' in I8zo. 
It would seem, however, that he attached rather too much 
importance to it. The t mutineers' did not proceed to 
greater lengths than refusing one day to go to St. Peter's 
in t Camerata' and staying at home in preference. Their 
unwillingness to go out did not last very long, but the 
question of attending the Roman College for lectures was 
agitated more seriously, for the Rector was half-inclined 
to be of the same opinion as the students. To us indeed 
it appears that most of the advantage of a Roman training 
would have been lost had they ceased to attend the public 
lectures, and that the various evils attached to a small 
isolated educational establishment would have arisen. It 
would have ceased to be a college for higher studies, and 
recuced itself to the level which it was at before the 
U Such was Consalvi's feeling, and also Dr. Poynter's. 
The latter wrote in this sense to the Cardinal Protector, 
and the matter was so settled in November I82I. The 
students were exempted from writing t dictates: but 
continued to attend the public lectures, and entered for the 
t Concorso.' 
U Notwithstanding their objection to going to the public 
lectures, however, the English students were exceedingly 
successful in their' work and established a reputation for 
the Collegium Ve1lerabile, the tradition of which has never 
been lost. Dr. Gradwell wrote to Dr. Poynter on November 
5, I820, with pardonable pride, describing the success of his 
students, in the following terms :- 
II t In Dogma Henry Gillow got a medal, John Kearns 
laudatus mnplissimis verbis. In Moral Theology William 
Kavanagh got the medal. In Physico-Mathematics Wise- 
man and Kavanagh tied for the medal. Proxime accessl:t 
James Sharples. Daniel Rock landatus amPÜssimis verbis. 


In Physico-Chemistry Wiseman got the second medal. 
Proxime accessit James Sharples and Daniel Rock. 
H' All Rome is astonished at the performances of our 
students in the Concorso,- a parcel of lads, strangers, our 
divines only in their first year, and competing with forty 
Italians who were finishing their fourth; our philosophers 
moreover composing their essays in Italian, and still 
bearing away the prizes in a language in which they are 
imperfectly skilled; and most of all poor Kavanagh,! one 
of the youngest competitors, bearing away two prizes, is 
considered as a prodigy unexampled in the Academic 
history. The prize is a medal with the profile of the Pope, 
and on the reverse the Collegio Romano.' 
"Dr. Gradwell proceeds to describe the nature of the 
COllcorso or examination; which was then much what it 
IS now:- 
" , The C oncorso is this. Before the end of the year the 
Cardinal Prefect of Studies either by lot or choice selects 
fifteen questions from the treatise under studies, and some 
weeks before gives notice that a con corso will be held on 
one of these fifteen questions. On the day appointed, all 
the students who ha ve the courage to contend meet in 
their school. Each one is provided with pen, ink and 
paper, but without any books or notes. The particular 
question is then declared. Each conlpetitor then begins 
a dissertation on the subject. Five hours are allowed, 
but no communication with any other person is permitted 
to the candidate. At the expiration of the five hours, each 
one gives up his composition to the master. The first and 
second best compositions win a medal; the third is laudatus 
a111þlissimis verbis.. the rest are classed according to merit, 
tenth, twentieth, fortieth, etc. Any place before the tenth 
is reckoned a great honour.' 
" In the following year the Pope, to show his appreciation 
of the work of the College, conferred on the Rector the 
honorary degree of Doctor of Divinity. 
" The summit of their success was reached three years 
later, when Mr. Wiseman, the future Cardinal, was chosen 
1 Mr. Kavanagh, who belonged to the \Vcstern District, died at the 
College on Sept. 18, 1820. 



to perform a ' public act.' He had acquired a great reputa- 
tion as a scholar. During his first year, when the custon1 
was revived that an English student should preach before 
the Pope on St. Stephen's Day, the student chosen having 
begged to be excused, Mr. Wiseman supplied for him at 
short notice and discharged the duty with distinction. 
Later on he became noted for his industry in Oriental 
studies, and Dr. Gradwell records that he had written out 
a large section of the Bible in Hebrew. When it becan1e 
known that he was chosen as a candidate for the highest 
academic distinction, his performance was looked forward 
to with universal interest. Dr. Gradwell writes on July I3, 
" 'Mr. Wiseman's public defensions at St. Ignatius's 
are fixed for \Vednesday next. They have excited great 
expectations in Rome. I am confident he will acquit himself 
in superior style, to the honour both of the Roman College 
and ours.' 
"The result fulfilled the highest anticipations. Dr. 
Gradwell describes it in full in a further letter a week 
later :- 
'" On Wednesday Mr. \Viseman defended at the Roman 
College his 400 theses of divinity. It is universally admitted 
that it was the most arduous, most able and most splendid 
defension that the Roman College had seen for many years, 
and has redounded very much to the honour of the Roman 
College as well as our own. In the morning he defended 
two hours and a half in the saloon against eight doctors, 
who successively disputed in the presence of a large con- 
course of professors, priests, religious and students from 
different Colleges and n10nasteries in Rome. I never 
before saw half the number at any former defension. 
" , But the performance in the afternoon was the most 
splendid. It was held in the church of St. Ignatius. Cardinal 
Zurla sat on the throne, facing the disputant. A circle was 
forn1ed extending the whole breadth of the nave. In this 
first circle were thirty-two prelates, among whom were 
twelve Patriarchs, Archbishops or Bishops in pontifical 
dress and about twenty doctors of divinity including the 
professors of the Roman College and myself, all in their 


long robes. The second and third and other rows behind 
were miscellaneous, containing many distinguished persons, 
particularly ecclesiastics, but not in costume. . . . It was 
like a Roman Council. The Abbé Lamennius who was 
then in Rome was to have objected. but he excused himself, 
and said that in such an assembly he could not say four 
H , Elevated in the middle at a desk or pulpit, with the 
Professors Piatti and Fornari, one on each side. a step lower 
than the defendant, :Mr. Wiseman began by reading the 
dedication of the thesis, which was addressed to Cardinal 
Zurla, and then disputed about an hour and a half against 
the three most celebrated Professors of Sapienza, on the 
Primacy of St. Peter, the necessity of Baptism and the 
three \Vitnesses, i. e. the integrity of the text. He spoke 
with a composure, a clearness, a fluency and depth which 
charmed everybody. After the third dispute was closed, 
Cardinal Zurla rose, clapped his hands and applauded. The 
whole assembly did the same. Several Prelates. my par- 
ticular friends, and others whom I invited. among whom 
was the Curé de Genève, all the Professors and some of 
the students of the Roman College and all our own College 
adjourned into the saloon. where the defensions were held 
in the morning, to see the laurea conferred on the defendant. 
Cardinal Pacca, Prefect of Studies, had authorised by 
rescript the Professor of Scripture, who ranks as the first 
professor in the College. to confer on :Mr. Wiseman the 
Doctorship of Divinity extra temþus. Mr. Wiseman knelt 
down at an altarino, made the profession of Faith of Pius IV, 
and swore not to teach heterodoxy. received the cap, the 
ring, the embrace of the Doctors and sat down Doctor of 
H { The whole passed off with the greatest éclat and has 
given great satisfaction throughout Rome. The Professors 
and friends of the Roman College speak of this defension 
with triumph. as a proof that they know how to teach 
and these scholars how to learn; but with melancholy from 
the consideration that this, which is the first of our public 
triumphs, is the last of theirs. I am afflicted to hear this. 
and I partake of their feelings. On Thursday, the new 



Doctor and I dined with Cardinal Zurla, called to thank 
Cardinal Pacca, :Monsignori Caprano, NicolaI, Testa, the 
professors, etc. I never met with such cordial congratula- 
tions fronl all sorts of persons.' " 
Dr. Gradwell in some notes written at the College, 
probably in the year of Wiseman's triumph in the schools, 
gives some statistics of the students who came in the first 
years to begin the Venerabile on its reopening. Ten had 
arrived in December I8I8, as already noted; in October 
I8I9, another joined them, another in I82I, and yet another 
in I8zz : in all thirteen. Of these, three, namely Henry Gillow, 
John Kearns and J ames Fleetwood, had by March I8z4 
finished their course, and left for the English Mission: one, 
John Rush, went on March I3, I824, to become a Camaldo- 
lese Hermit: five n10re, Richard Alberry, Richard Crosby, 
Thomas Ewart, John Dakson and William Hall, had been 
obliged by ill-health to return to their native country. 
There were in the College, when the Rector made his 
notes, James Sharples, Robert Platt, Daniel Rock priests, 
and Nicholas \Viseman acolyte, in the fourth year of 
fr. Eccles a deacon, in his second year, and six 
in the first year, namely George Heptonstall, William 
Turner subdeacon, Jeremy Harrington, John 
Patrick Brickley, George Errington in nrinor orders, with 
John Scott still studying his humanities. Besides these 
there were four convictors studying their humanities, 
Thomas Jones, Richard Jones, William Riddell and John 
Errington. These, with Dr. Gradwell the Rector and 
Richard Gillow 1 Vice-Rector and Professor of Humanities 
for the Convictors, formed the members of the English 
College in I8z4. 
At the beginning of I8z4 Cardinal Consalvi died. His 
death was a real loss to the English College; for sjnce he 
had been Protector he had taken a great interest in the 
establishment, and had watched over its reconstruction 
under Dr. Gradwell, in whom he had every confidence. Four 
years later, the Rector was taken from Rome to become 
coadjutor of Dr. Bramston, Vicar-Apostolic of the London 

1 Richard Gillow had come to Rome to finish his theology on Oct. 16, 
1819, and was ordained priest June 16, 1821. 


District. The last great success scored by the College 
whilst under his direction, was the U Public Act H of George 
Errington, the future Archbishop. This took place on 
August 22, r827, at the Apollinare. Cardinal Zurla, now 
the Protector of the English College, presided as he had 
done in the case of \Viseman, and Errington won as great 
a chorus of praise as the former had done. 
Dr. Gradwell thus writes of the impression made at the 
time: U :Mr. Errington," he says, U acquitted himself very 
well. The arguers chose very difficult points and placed 
their arguments in the most forcible light; especially two 
of the first Jesuit Professors, one contending that the Book 
of Judith was not a history but a ftv()oç, the other detailing 
Michaelis's arguments against the authenticity of the 
Apocalypse. His answers to these as well as all the other 
points mooted excited the astonishment and admiration 
of the whole assembly, composed of Bishops, Prelates, 
Professors, students, etc., from every part of Rome. It 
did not yield to the celebrated performance of Wiseman 
in the Church of St. Ignatius three years ago. Several 
Cardinals and Prelates have since made our College the 
highest compliments and have told me that all Rome is 
indebted to us for having set such an example." 1 
The rest of Dr. Gradwell's letter relates to the visit paid 
by Pope Leo XII to Monte Porzio, which is still remembered 
with pride, and to commemorate which a marble slab was 
set up in the refectory. U His Holiness," writes Dr. Grad- 
well, "has often marked his applause by acts of kindness 
and condescension both to me and the students, but espe- 
cially since the close of the schools last autumn. He not 
only said the most handsome and flattering things of the 
College, but determined to honour it publicly in a manner 
of which there is no example. When we were spending 
our vacation at our villa in the small town of Monte Porzio, 
fifteen nlÌles out of Rome, the Pope sent me word that he 
would come on the 20th of October to spend the day and 
dine with us. I made all due preparations for receiving 
so distinguished a guest. At seven o'clock in the morning 
he set out from the palace of the Vatican with four coaches 
1 In Bishop \Vard's Eve of Catholic Emancipation, ii. p. 200. 



escorted by a detachment of horse guards and arrived at 
the country house of the College at ten. I and Dr. Wise- 
man (at this time Vice-Rector of the College), at the head 
of the students, received His Holiness at the door, con- 
ducted him first to the chapel where he said some prayers, 
then to my rooms which I was proud to resign to such an 
illustrious visitant, and then to the large recreation room 
where a throne was erected. Here he took his seat, the 
Prelates and noble officers of his household standing on 
each side. I presented all the students first in a body, 
then one by one to receive the Pope's blessing and kiss his 
feet. He made them many compliments on their conduct 
and studies, inquired which of them had gained so many 
rewards and medals in the Roman schools, and exhorted 
them to continue to do honour both to England and to 
Rome. He then came down from the throne, and talked 
in the most fan1iliar manner with the students. All the 
people of Monte Porzio, with the clergy and inhabitants 
of the neighbouring towns and villages, thronged the 
College door. The Pope gave them his blessing from the 
College window, but as the whole of the crowd could not 
get within sight, he very obligingly went through the 
crowded streets on foot, holding my hand, to the fine large 
Parish Church, and repeated his benediction from a balcony 
in the Great Square. I then presented the clergy and all 
the principal inhabitants, both men and women, as I had 
before presented the students. It was a beautiful and 
affecting sight; the good people, who had never had a 
Pope within their walls for above two hundred years, rending 
the air with enthusiastic applause, and crying out, Viva it 
Santo Padre! Viva it Collegio Inglese! At one o'clock 
dinner was announced. The Pope sat at the head of the 
table, his part being elevated a few inches above the rest. 
The prelates and students sat in two lines at the remainder 
of the table. The Pope made me say grace before and 
after dinner. As he took his seat he said: I It is very 
unusual for a Pope to sit down to dinner with a company 
of such fine students, but to-day I have this advantage 
and I enjoy it: He took soup, a little boiled and roast 
meat, a salad and a few glasses of wine, but did not touch 


any of the fine dishes which his cook had been preparing 
for two da ys. . . . After dinner there was another large 
presentation. At four o'clock the Pope took leave in the 
most affecting manner, and returned with his suite to Rome." 
Dr. Gradwell relates another example of the extreme 
benevolence of the Holy Father to the English College in 
the following year. It On Holy Saturday afternoon I was 
interrupted by a message from the Pope. Four porters 
preceded by the Pope's steward and some of his servants, 
carrying on their shoulders something covered with a white 
sheet strewed with artificial flowers, came out of the Pope's 
palace, walked solemnly across the Square of St. Peter's 
past the Castle and Bridge of St. Angelo, till they stopped 
at the door of the English College, where they sent for me, 
and said they had brought this burden as a present from 
the Pope. Hundreds of people were following to see what 
this novel spectacle could mean. But what do you think 
it was? A fine fat live calf, with a halter of red silk and 
gold on its head, its feet tied with red silk cords to the 
litter and its head and neck adorned with beautiful garlands 
of artificial fruits and flowers. It was a beautiful animal. 
On Easter Tuesday I had most of the English Catholic 
gentlemen in town to dinner, in order to partake of it. 
Among the rest were Bishop Baines, Lord Anlndell, Lord 
Gornlanston, Lord Dormer, Sir Patrick Bellew, Mr. Doughty, 
Mr. Barrow, Mr. Nugent, 
ir. Errington, 
Ir. Sargent, 

Ir. Preston and :Mr. John Roskell. As I could not invite 
ladies to dine in the College, I sent Lady Arundell a fine 
fillet, that the ladies might partake of it together at her 
It When I went to thank His Holiness last week for 
these attentions he invited eight of our students to carry 
the canopy which is held over him while he carries the 
Blessed Sacrament in grand procession round the Colonnade 
of St. Peter's on the festival of Corpus Christi." 1 
The proposal of Dr. Bramston to be allowed to have 
Dr. Gradwell as his coadjutor in England came before 
Propaganda in 
Iay 1823; and after some short delay the 
Pontiff granted the request on June 8, 1823, anxiously 
1 In Bishop Ward's Eve of Catholic Emal1cipation.ii. p. .W2. 


enquiring first what arrangement it was proposed to nlake 
for the government of the English College. Bishop Grad- 
well, as he must now be called, was consecrated in the 
chapel of the College by Cardinal Zurla, assisted by Monsignor 
Caprano and Dr. Baines. On July 9 he had his farewell 
audience of the Pope, and on the following day he handed 
over the government of the College to Dr. Wiseman, who 
had been appointed Pro-Rector for a time, until the wishes 
of the English Bishops had been taken as to the appointment 
of a permanent successor. The same day Dr. Gradwell 
left Rome for England. 
It is impossible for anyone to read the documents 
appertaining to this period of reconstruction of the English 
College without seeing that the Institution owes a deep 
debt of gratitude to Dr. Gradwell. He was truly a man 
placed in his post by Providence, for he had all the many 
qualities required to carry out the often delicate negotiations 
requisite at the founding of an Institution. He had likewise 
an intense love for the College and its long and glorious 
history. His notes show that he knew the Archives well, 
and that he possessed the true historical sense which enabled 
him to arrange and use them properly. His memory should 
ever be held in benediction by every alumnus of the 





. - 


[To face p. 223. 



WHEN Dr. Gradwell departed for his new sphere of work 
in England, his Vice-Rector, Dr. \Viseman, was appointed 
at first as pro-Rector, and in December of the same year, 
1828, was permanently confirmed as Rector of the Venerabile. 
The twelve years in which he held this office may be regarded 
as the golden age of the English College. Although Wiseman 
was then not twenty-six years of age, he had already taken 
a position of pre-eminence in the ecclesiastical and learned 
world of Rome. His H oræ Syriacæ, which appeared in the 
previous year, had made for him a reputation among 
European scholars, and had brought him into touch with 
some of the most illustrious writers of the world. 1 
Whilst still Vice-Rector of the College, he devoted a 
great part of the years 1825-7 to the preparation of his 
H one and to his study of Syriac and other Eastern lan- 

1 The journal Diario di Roma from time to time noted the doings of 
Dr. Wiseman. For example, on July 14, 1824, it gives a long account 
of his public theses at the Gesù, already spoken of in the last chapter. 
May 16, 1829 (pp. 9. 10) it describes a ceremony at the English College, 
.. Sotto la direzione del Rev. Sign, Dottore D. Niccola \Viseman, Agente 
del clero d'Inghilterra e Rettore." Diario di Roma, June II (pp. 2, 3), 
gives an account of a meeting of the Accademia di Religione Cattolica, 
in which Dr. \Viseman criticised the Life of Gregory VII, by Gresley. 
The same journal, July II, 1837 (p. I), speaks of a conference, which he 
gave to the same Society on June 15, Again it notes several essays of 
\Viseman published in the Annali delle Scienze Religiose, in 1836 and 1837. 
In 1839 (Jan. 8, p. I) the Diario speaks of his winter course of sermons 
in the Church of Gesù e Maria in the Corso and of other sermons in S. 
Silvestro in Capite. In the same year (1839, Feb. 5) the journal speaks 
of a funeral discourse, which Dr. Wiseman preached at San Carlo in Corso, 
on the Indian Princess Sombre Begum. In 1840 (Feb. 25) it notices his 
sermon preached during the Octave of the Epiphany in the Church of 
Spirito Santo dei Napoletani. In the same year (June 16) it records his 
consecration as Bishop, and finally on July 21 it speaks of a conference 
he gave before the Accademia di Religione Cattolica. 



guages. He had a wonderful facility for acquIring new 
tongues, which has been compared with that of the celebrated 
l\Iezzofante himself. The H oræ Syriacæ was acknowledged 
as the work of a thorough student in Syrian MSS., and dis- 
played such sound critical powers that many of the foremost 
authorities of the day, U of many religions and nationalities," 
regarded it as the first production of one who was to be a 
great Orientalist. 1 These were years during which he formed 
a lasting friendship with :Monsignor Mai, the future Cardinal. 
U I look back, " wrote Cardinal Wisen1an to a friend in 
r856, U with much tender affection and sweet gratitude to 
the quiet hours I used to spend alone in the hall of the 
Vatican library, surrounded with old Syrian MSS., and 
every now and then having a chat with the learned Cardinal 
Mai, as he passed through. For I was the only person 
whonl he allowed to be there during the midsumn1er vacation, 
when the scriPtores even were absent. Occasionally he would 
bring me the Syrian treatises, which he has published in 
his Collection, to revise and correct for him. He continued 
his friendship for me to the last." 
In his Recollect'ions, too, Cardinal Wiseman has a passage 
which records these studious days of his early youth, when 
he was Vice-Rector of the English College, and when, 
although at the tinle only four- or five-and-twenty, he was 
on terms of intimacy and equality with the first Oriental 
scholars in the Eternal City. U Who," he writes, U has 
remained in Rome for his intellectual cultivation, and does 
not remember quiet hours in one of the great public libraries, 
where noiseless monks brought him and piled around him 
the folios which he required, and he sat as still amid a 
hundred readers as if he were alone? 
U But there is an inner apartment in that great house, 
and he who may have penetrated into it will look back 
on the time with pleasurable regret. Imagine him seated 
alone in the second hall of the Vatican library, round which 
are ranged now empty desks (for it is vacation time), while 
above is a row of portraits of eminent librarians . . . a 
door opposite gives a view of the grand Gouble hall beyond, 
divided by piers. The cases round them and along the 
1 w. \Vard, Life of Cardinal Wiseman, i. p. 54. 

walls are the very treasure shrines of learning containing 
only gems of manuscript lore. Above, all is glowing with 
gold and ultramarine as airy and brilliant as the Zuccari 
could lay them. The half-closed shutters and drawn cur- 
tains impart a drowsy atmosphere to the delicious coolness 
which gi ves no idea of the broiling sun glaring on the 
square without. Imagine, however, no idler, for such a 
one could not obtain access there at such a season-but 
an assiduously plodding, perhaps dull-looking, emaciated 
student, in whose hand crackles the parchment of some 
old dingy volun1e whose turn has come of the many around 
him to be what is called C collated.' . . . Perhaps at the 
moment of a delightful discovery that the dusky mem- 
branaceous document has, in a certain spot, a preposition 
or even a letter different from three companions, there 
enters silently a man of middle age with lofty brow and 
deep-set eyes, and happy in the loose drapery of home 
and summer-for he lives among books-and sits down 
beside the solitary learner. Kind and encouraging words, 
useful practical information, perhaps a discussion on some 
interesting point, make a quarter of an hour's diversion 
from the weight of the day and the heat. But coming 
from or shared with the discoverer of Cicero and Fronto, 
of Isocrates and Dionysius, they may become the beginning 
of a long-cherished and valued friendship. Hours like these 
often repeated pass not away lightly from the memory. 
Spent under the very shadow of the great dome, they 
endear Rome by the recollection of solid profit gained and 
garnered for the evil days of busier life." 
Every lover of the English College in Rome must feel a 
pride in the reflection of the position won by Dr. Wiseman 
by his patience and laborious studies. \Vhilst still Vice- 
Rector, he was appointed by Pope Leo XII Professor of 
Oriental Languages at the Roman University. And the 
numerons letters he received from eminent scholars, such 
as Bunsen, Tholuck, Father Ackermann of Vienna and Scholz 
of Bonn, testify to their appreciation of his extraordinary 
merits. The H oræ Syriacæ was at once translated into 
German, and aroused the attention of the German-speaking 
people. In England the Anglican Bishop of Salisbury 


introduced this young but brilliant scholar and his work 
to the British public, and secured his election to various 
learned societies. 
Such was the extraordinary position attained by the 
Vice- Rector before the departure of Dr. Gradwell from 
Rome. His appointment as Rector necessarily diverted 
much of his energy to other channels and prevented him 
from becoming, as many had considered he would certainly 
have become, one of the foremost scholars of the day. 
Besides these studies which occupied his thoughts and time 
during the years r825-7, Dr. Wiseman, no sooner had the 
composition of his volume been completed, found himself 
obliged to undertake the more public rôle of a preacher. 
In r827 he chanced to be with the Rector, Dr. Gradwell, 
at an audience of the Holy Father, when Leo XII expressed 
a desire that some special services and sermons should be 
undertaken for the English residents in Rome, and for the 
numerous visitors who from time to time found themselves 
in the city. He naturally looked to the English College to 
carry out this work. The Rector assented, and suggested 
that Dr. Wiseman would be the proper man to undertake 
the work. The Church of Gesù e 
/[aria in the Corso was 
fixed upon by the Holy Father as a fitting locale for the 
experiment, and the Pope promised to defray all the expenses 
and to send some members of the Papal choir to sing at 
the services. The College Diary consequently records on 
December 9, r827: "Dr. \Viseman preached his first sermon 
at the Gesù e :Maria on Repentance. The Pope sent twelve 
singers from his choir." There is also a record of another 
sermon on the Love of God, preached on February ro, 
r828. To Dr. Wiseman this was no slight task; but in 
later life he regarded the charge as having been a special 
Providence to prepare him for his future labours in England. 
Of the necessary work of preparation for the discourses he 
writes: "It would be impossible to describe the anxiety, 
pain and trouble which this command cost me for many 
years after. The sermons were for years written out fully 
and learnt by heart." In his Recollections \V'iseman says: 
It Leo could not see what has been the influence of his 
commission in merely dragging from commerce with the 


dead to that of the living, one who would gladly have 
confined his time to the former-from books to men, from 
reading to speaking. Nothing but (his command) would 
have done it. Yet supposing that the province of one's 
life was to be active and in contact with the world, and 
one's future destinies were to be in a country and in times 
when the most bashful maybe driven to plead for his 
religion and his flock, surely a command, overriding all 
inclination and forcing the will to undertake the best and 
only preparation for these tasks, may well be contemplated 
as a sacred in1pulse and a timely direction to a mind that 
wanted both. Had it not come then it never would have 
come. Other bents \-vould soon have become stiffened and 
unpliant. OJ 
The biographer of Cardinal Wiseman 1 writes of him at 
this time: .. In the following year-in June 1828-Dr. 
Gradwell, the Rector of the English College, was made 
Bishop and sent to England, and Wiseman, who was not 
yet twenty-six years old, succeeded him as Rector of the 
College. We note henceforth a great change in his life; 
for which circumstances had already been preparing him. 
The Horæ Syriacæ had by this time made him a marked 
man in the learned world, and visitors to Rome sought 
him out as a person of distinction. As the chief English 
preacher in Rome, he was turned to for advice and guidance 
in the not unfrequent cases of the reconciliation of English- 
men to Catholicism; and his new appointment gave him 
the prominence attaching to the official representative of 
English Catholics in Rome. We find in a rough diary- 
so rough as to be unfit to quote from at length-indications 
of his daily life in the summer of 1828, and it shows the 
change in his habits. Hitherto a shy student, associating 
little with his neighbours, frorn the time of Dr. Gradwell's 
non1Ìnation and the success of his book, not only had he 
to attend to the business of the College, but he appears 
to have mixed freely in society, and to have corresponded 
with the learned world in various countries. His already 
full and varied college life-a life of reading, of lecturing 
and preaching, of the n1usician and art critic-thus became 
1 Mr. Wilfrid vVard, i. p. 67. 



united with a marked growth of external relations. 'When 
shall I once more be quietly at my books? ' he writes on 
July 12, after a n10nth of unceasing alternations of business, 
society and elaborate correspondence." 
Mr. Wilfrid vVard gives his readers some samples of the 
daily occupation of the new Rector at this period, which 
he had gleaned from this rough diary. Though somewhat 
lengthy, these are well worth recording in these pages, as 
they cannot fail to interest all alumni of the Venerabile, 
old and young. 
"On June 24 Dr. Gradwell is consecrated; Cardinal Zurla, 
who had succeeded the great Consalvi as Cardinal Protector 
of the College, officiates. Wiseman conducts the music 
(the alternate verses of the Te Deu'm, he notes, were in 
four parts, without organ). Company present: Monsignori 
Nicolai, Testa, Baines, Gasparini (the intimate friend of 
Leo XII), Cappacini (Consalvi's ex-Secretary), Lord Arundell 
of Wardour, Mr. Colyar (whose name is familiar to those 
who have read l\Iacaula y' s account of his visit to Rome in 
1838), Abbate Testa, Santucci and Fornari (afterwards a 
Cardinal). Dinner follows, then a walk and vespers at 
St. John Lateran. Wiseman's musical soul revels in the 
psalms, especially the Credidi and Beatus Vir. Next day 
is spent in accompanying Dr. Gradwell on visits of ceremony 
to various Cardinals, and in fixing an audience at the 
Vatican. He dines at Duke Torlonia's, meets there Lord 
and Lady Arundell, Madame Mendoza, two Russians, Herr 
Thorwaldsen, the great sculptor, and others. Then to Villa 
Borghese, and in the evening to a party at Princess 
Massimo's. A long talk with Lady Westmoreland and a 
short one with Cardinal Gregori are chronicled. June 28 
is spent in writing his inaugural discourse as Rector, and 
preparing the l\lfass music (Zingarelli, No.2) for the next 
day. We have (a few days later) an indication of what 
these musical rehearsals sometimes involved. He copied 
out the parts himself in the case of fa vourite pieces of music 
which had never been published, and the musical perforn1ers 
to be supplied with copies comprised, not only a choir, but 
two violins, a 'cello and two clarinets, as well as an organist 
-all residents at the College. 


H On July I, visits to Monsignor Testa, who is reading 
Pritchard on Egyptian Mythology, and to Sir W. Gell, are 
noted. Then comes an expedition to Kelsall's studio in 
the Piazza Barberini. 'Viseman admires his statue of 
Discobolus 'taking aim with his discus-the moment which 
must operate powerfully on his expression, for after that 
moment the chief object to be represented would be muscular 
exertion.' Kelsall also shows him the abbozzo of a monument 
of ' an Ambassadress of Holland.' She will be represented 
recumbent just before expiring, with the crucifix on her 
breast, gazing up with her last effort towards her daughter, 
who comes in the form of an angel to call her. This is 
founded on fact: the Countess had for several years been 
disconsolate for the loss of this daughter, and I believe her 
grief had accelerated her end, when, a few moments before 
it, she revived and exclaimed: 'I see my daughter coming 
for me,' and instantly expired. Thence he went to De 
Fabri's to see his model for the monument to Tasso. 
"Later in the day he goes to a party at Countess 
Carpegna's, and records a conversation on ideology and 
memory, occasioned by the paralytic stroke which has 
afflicted Monsignor Mario, and which has destroyed his 
memory for substallt'l.ves. Fornari mentioned the librarian 
at :Milan, Mazzuchelli, who has so far lost his memory as 
to have to take a master for reading and writing. 
H Audiences with Cardinal Zurla and with the Pope are 
on the 5th and 9th of July; at the latter an honorary 
degree in Divinity is obtained for Dr. Griffiths, afterwards 
Vicar-Apostolic of the London District and then President 
of St. Edmund's College, Old Hall. A few days later, after 
Dr. Gradwell's departure, we have a letter from Ackermann 
of Vienna with news of a fresh Austrian review of the 
H oræ Syriacæ. The letter and Arabic extracts enclosed 
are sent by Wiseman to Professor d' Allen1and at the 
Apollinare, and afterwards discussed with him. Dinner at 
Lady Westn1Oreland's at Palazzo Rospigliosi. Present: 
Lady Campbell, Marchesa de la Grua (with whom he con- 
verses on Spain), the Giuntalardis, Dr. Nott, an ex-tutor 
to Princess Charlotte, now engaged in collating 11SS at 
the great Benedictine Library of Monte Cassino. f When 


I was leaving with the rest,' he says, f Lady Westmoreland 
called me back, made me sit by her. . . and went through 
all her grievances on the Blessingtons' account. Luckily 
Lord Dudley Stuart came in, and at the Ave l'tlaria I made 
my escape: s'ic me servavit A pallo.' 
U The next few days are occupied entirely in teaching 
and in preparing his lectures on the Eucharist. There is 
a dinner-party at Cardinal Zurla's: among the company, 
Monsignori Testa and Gasparini. The forn1er tells Wiseman 
of the Pope's intention to form an Oriental Society, of 
which Wiseman is to be a member. A long talk with 
Monsignor Mai is chronicled on the 30th. Both he and 
Monsignor Testa f had a thousand questions to ask about 
O'Connell's proceedings,' which reminds us that Catholic 
Emancipation was in prospect. O'Connell's coup in stand- 
ing for County Clare, in order to emphasise before the world 
the injustice of his exclusion for religion, is duly chronicled 
a few days earlier. 
U The entry on August 2 begins as follows: f My birthday. 
I have now completed 26. Said Mass for myself, to obtain 
that the next and following years of my life may be spent 
more to the purpose for myself and others than Iny last 
and those which preceded it. Made good determinations- 
may they not prove like those which have vanished before 
them. ' 
U The journal ends in the autumn. We find, in August, 
an expedition to Monte Porzio, frequent visits to libraries- 
as St. Agostino and the Minerva-learned conversations 
with Professor d' Allen1and, correspondence with Ackermann 
and Volke, and a breakfast party at Cardinal Zurla's. An 
incidental reference to another Roman student, afterwards, 
like Wiseman, an English-speaking Cardinal, may be noted. 
On August 25 we read: · Cullen came in to ask me to go 
to Frascati to see young Mr. Hillyer. . . who has just 
become a Catholic.' 
U On the same day reference is made to the deaths of 
two ex-students--deaths full of fervour and consolation. 
U · When I consider' (he writes) · that the most virtuous 
are called from us, and such poor wretches as myself left 
to be the supports of God's holy religion, it makes me fear 


His judgn1ents are upon us, and that He only leaves us 
because we are not fit to pass to His enjoyment. May the 
examples He has given us not be thrown away. How little 
does the world look when viewed from the death-bed of 
the just! ' " 
Shortly after Wiseman's appointment as Rector of the 
College, Pope Leo XII died, on February 10, 1829. After 
a Conclave extending over thirty-six days, Cardinal Cas- 
tiglione was elected to succeed him on March 31, and 
took the name of Pius VIII. The position of the Rector, 
as the representative of British Catholics in Rome, obliged 
him officially to inforn1 the Holy Father of the passing of 
the Bill for Catholic Emancipation by the English Par- 
liament. This he did in company with his Vice-Rector, 
Dr. Errington, and after their formal audience, they pro- 
ceeded to inform the Cardinal Secretary of State. The 
English College celebrated the occasion according to the 
usual Roman method of rejoicing, which Wiseman describes 
in his Recollections 1 as follows :- 
If The front of our house was covered with an elegant 
architectural design in variegated lamps and an orchestra 
was erected opposite for festive music. In the morning of 
the appointed day, a Te Demn attended by the various 
British Colleges was performed; in the afternoon a banquet 
on a magnificent scale was given at his villa near St. Paul's 
by :Monsignor Nicolai, the learned illustrator of that Basilica; 
and in the evening we returned home to see the upturned 
faces of the multitudes reflecting the brilliant < lamps of 
architecture' that tapestried our venerable walls. But the 
words < Emancipazione Cattolica,' which were emblazoned 
in lamps along the front, were read by the people with 
difficulty and interpreted by conjecture; so that many came 
and admired but went away unenlightened by the blaze 
that had dazzled them, into the darkness visible of the 
surrounding streets. 
If In fact the first of the two words, long and formidable 
to untutored lips, was no household word in Italy, nor was 
there any imaginable connection in ordinary persons' minds 
between it and its adjective, nor between the two and 
1 p. 393. 

23 2 


England. But to us and our guests there was surely a 
magic in the words that spoke to our hearts, and awakened 
there sweet music more cheering than that of our orchestra, 
and kindled up a brighter illumination in our minds than 
that upon our walls." 
Pope Pius VIII, after a brief pontificate, died on 
December I, 1830. He was succeeded by Cardinal Cappel- 
lari, a true personal friend of Dr. \Viseman. He was well 
known as a theologian, and was a Camaldolese monk of 
ascetic life. His first greeting to the English Rector after 
his elevation was: 'f You must now revise your own proofs. 
I fear I shall not have much time to correct them." 1 
In 1830, there came to the English College to prepare 
for the priesthood a recent convert, now well known as 
Father Ignatius Spencer, and the fact of his stay in the 
Venerabile and of his having been ordained in the College 
chapel is something of which the alumni have reason to 
be proud. ff This holy man," writes Mr. Wilfrid Ward, 
ff whose life is among the remarkable stories of religious 
devotion in this century, passed his early years after the 
manner of a fashionable young man of the time." He was 
the brother of the late Lord Spencer. ff Having gone 
through his career at Can1bridge, and his early years of 
I.ondon society, with an average share of the faults of 
youth, he received-strange to say-his first strong religious 
impression from the opera of Don Giovanni, which he 
witnessed in Paris in 1820. 'The last scene,' he writes, 
, represents Don Giovanni seized in the midst of his licentious 
career by a troop of devils and hurried down to Hell. As 
I saw this scene, I was terrified at my own state. I knew 
that God, who knew what was within me, must look on 
me as one in the same class as Don Giovanni. . . this 
holy warning I was to find in an opera-house in Paris.' 
He took orders in the Anglican Church a little later, and 
after years of vacillation as to the form of theology which he 
should adopt, he became a convert. . . in January 182 9." 2 
The influence of Father Spencer in the English College 
during his stay, especially by his devotion and enthusiasm, 
was very marked. In July 1830, Dr. \Viseman, writing to 
1 Life oj Cardinal Wisemall, i. IIO. 2 Ib., p. 99. 

Dr. Husenbeth, describes briefly his own feeling in regard 
to this saintly and extraordinary man: "I find Mr. Spencer 
has been beforehand with me in writing to you, and has 
thus deprived me of one of the topics which would have 
been most interesting to you. You will more fully know 
him from a few lines written by himself than by any 
account I could give you of him. For I never met any 
one whose mind and heart so unreservedly exhibit them- 
selves in every action and word as in his case. He is 
candour and openness itself-I have no doubt but that 
Divine Providence has brought him to the truth, not only 
for his own sake, but for the salvation of others, so that 
in his conversion < many shall rejoice: JJ 
At the beginning of the following year, 1831, Dr. Weedall, 
who was staying at the Collegio Inglese at the time, writes 
that U Mr. Spencer preached his first sernlOn in the College 
Chapel on the Purification. Indeed, he was actually preach- 
ing when the cannon announced the election of Pope Gregory 
(XVI). His sermon was plain and familiar, full of good 
sense and piety, and was delivered with a feeling effect. 
I think he is destined to do wonders in England. He is 
preparing to receive subdeacon's orders in Lent. I said 
l\Iass for him, with sensations I cannot describe, at the 
tomb of the Apostles in the subterranean church at St. 
Peter's on the 30th January, the < conversion of St. Pau1.' 
It was the day he went to Garendon Park, directed by a 
grace that decided his resolution. He went to Holy 
Communion on the occasion." 
From the first Dr Wiseman, as Rector, and his Vice- 
Rector, Dr. Errington, laboured without sparing themselves 
for the education, intellectual and religious, of the students 
of the English College. It was no light privilege for those 
who lived in the place at this tin1e to be directed by two 
such successful students in their studies, and to be able 
to follow the familiar discourses of their Rector on almost 
every topic. In 1833, after the departure of Father Ignatius 
Spencer and Dr. Logan-the first the enthusiast, the second 
the man of culture and ability-Dr. Wisen1an seems to have 
found no one in Rome to take their place, and complains 
of feeling lonely and depressed for a while. He was not 



well, and his labours in the previous years began to tell 
upon him. The weather, too, in the sumnler of that year 
was bad, and tended to make him take a sad view of 
everything. In September 1833 he was at Monte Porzio 
with the students, and kept much to himself and enjoyed 
the company of his favourite dog, Minna. 
At that time he wrote to a friend: "Since we came out 
we have hardly had a day without rain. I have been once 
out on horseback, to show the new ones the antiquities of 
Albano. To-day a party has gone to Tivoli; but it has 
been raining in torrents all day, though the n10rning was 
very fine. With the exception of this expedition, I have 
not been farther than the Clementines. In fact, I feel little 
inducement to do so, for, independent of the weather, a 
lonely ramble is but sorry relaxation for one who when 
alone is necessarily dri ven to think. Minna is on these 
occasions my only companion, and though her pranks and 
caresses are amusing and engaging, yet she is but a dumb 
companion. Not that there exists the slightest coldness 
between me and the rest, for nothing can exceed the good- 
humour and content which reigns through the house; but 
I never can feel that cordiality of intercourse to which I 
have been accustomed towards those whose pursuits and 
thoughts are so different from mine." 
Towards the end of November of the same year, 1833, 
Wiseman writes to a friend SOlne items of Roman and 
College news. "Now for a little news. We have had a 
splendid dirge for the King of Spain at the Spanish Church. 
The decoration was beautiful and Mozart's Requiem was 
splendidly performed. The only fault was that the time 
was throughout taken too quick. Two striking instances 
of the uncertainty of life have lately taken place within 
the circle of our acquaintances. First the excellent Arch- 
priest of :Monte Porzio, whom we left in October in flourish- 
ing health, in less than a month was carried off by a fever 
caught in attending a sick person. The second case is 
more tragic. The new Abbot of Grotta Ferrata, a young 
man elected with great opposition, robust and cheerful, 
was sleeping a few nights after we left the country, when 
a gun charged with small shot was fired at his window, 


and smashed it. This was only a feint to make him get 
up; but fortunately he only covered himself more, for 
presently after a volley of bullets, of which nine were 
found, was poured into the room. After some time he rose 
and gave the alarm, and early in the morning came off to 
Rome. I saw him a few days after, looking bewildered, 
pale and haggard. Every evening at the same hour as the 
attack happened he is seized with fits, one of which will 
shortly close his life. Fornarini, it is supposed, will be the 
new Archpriest, as the village has petitioned for him. 
Abbate Bruti has disappeared on a sudden from the world, 
and is in his novitiate at Subiaco. 
II In the College we have been going on very well; the 
two Messrs. Davies have arrived, and a valuable acquisition 
they are. Both are excellent n1usicians, the elder having 
studied counterpoint with Baini, the other a finished organist, 
and possessing a strong soprano voice up to A and some- 
times C. The elder is a beautiful artist in Raphael's early 
manner. . . the younger a Cambridge man, perfectly versed 
in Greek and Latin literature, particularly in the curious 
departments, as the old grammarians and musicians. He 
is also a good Hebraist and a n10st amusing companion. 
I wish you were here; I am sure you would be delighted. 
. . . I am living a hermit's life this winter, going out 
nowhere and making few acquaintances. Though Rome 
was never so full as this year, since I came I never knew 
so few people. Yesterday Cardinal Weld gave a large soirée 
in honour of Lord Anglesea. . . . My chest has been 
troubling me so much I cannot preach this year; this duty 
will be discharged by Dr. Baggs and Rev. Mr. Miley from 
Dublin, who has a high character as a preacher. I do not 
think I told you in Iny last that during Villegg'l"atura I 
commenced Persian, and have continued it with spirit as 
far as other things would allow me, and I read it and speak 
it more easily than Arabic. . . . I have been writing over 
again, and am gradually delivering, n1Y course of lectures 
upon the advantage of science to the Evidences, bringing 
them down to the present time, and shall probably print 
them, but how can I manage the correction for the press 
without you? 

23 6 


H I believe I did not tell you that one day during Villeg- 
giatura, as Paolo was coming into the gate, he was arrested 
and sent off to Viterbo to take his trial for a murder said 
to have been committed by him ten years ago, there. I 
suppose Nicolai had screened him from the mishap so long 
as he lived. His brother says he is at liberty in his paese, 
and will soon be allowed to come to Rome; others diversely 
report as to how he would be condemned to twenty years' 
galleys. In the meantime we have a man from the Abbate; 
but I am now going to take a decisive step in favour of a 
fixed vignaruolo, the more so as it seems Paolo was given 
to liquor, always went armed, and disguised policemen used, 
every now and then, to pay the vineyard a visit as his 
friends, but, I suppose, to watch him that he gave them 
not the slip." 
During this year, 1833, Dr. Wiseman received at the 
English College a visit from two English travellers, which 
was the beginning of a train of events which had a great 
deal to do with his subsequent career. These two were 
]. H. Newman, the future Cardinal, and his friend Hurrell 
Froude, who has described their conversation with Wiseman 
on that occasion. 
H It is really melancholy," he writes in April to a friend, 
ct to think how little one has got for one's time and money. 
The only thing I can put my hand on as an acquisition is 
ha ving formed an acquaintance with a man of some influence 
in Rome, Monsignor Wiseman, the head of the English 
College, who has enlightened Newman and me on the 
subject of our relations to the Church of Rome. We got 
introduced to him to find out whether they would take us 
in on any terms to which we could twist our consciences, 
and we found, to our dismay, that not one step could be 
gained without swallowing the Council of Trent as a whole. 
We made our approaches to the subject as delicately as 
we could. Our first notion was that terms of communion 
were within certain limits under the control of the Pope, 
or that in case he could not dispense solely, yet at any 
rate the acts of one Council might be rescinded by another 
-indeed, that in Charles 1's time it had been intended to 
negotiate a reconciliation on the terms on which things 


stood before the Council of Trent. But we found, to our 
horror, that the doctrine of the infallibility of the Church 
made the Acts of each successive Council obligatory for 
ever; that what had once been decided could never be 
meddled with again-in fact, that they were committed 
finally and irrevocably, and could not advance one step to 
meet us, even though the Church of England should become 
what it was in Laud's time, or indeed what it might have 
been up to the atrocious Council, for Monsignor Wiseman 
adlnitted that many things (e. g. the doctrine of the Mass) 
which were final then had been indeterminate before. . . . 
We mean to make as much as we can of our acquaintance 
with Monsignor Wiseman, who is really too nice a person 
to talk nonsense about." 1 
In the year 1834, Dr. Wisen1an began to contemplate 
the possibility of transferring his energies to England. 
Bishop Baines had talked to him of schemes he had formed 
to promote a revival of Catholic thought and learning in 
England. He proposed to found a Catholic University and 
to establish a learned Catholic Review. He had been 
encouraged to do so by the Pope, and considered that a 
Papal Charter had already been promised him. He filled 
Wiseman's mind as to the possibility of the scheme, and 
proposed to him to come over to England, and become his 
coadjutor in the Western District, and direct the new 
movement from which he expected so much. 
Although in the event nothing came of these proposals 
beyond a subsequent journey to England, Wiseman began 
to contemplate the coming severance of his connection with 
Rome and the English College. His feelings were divided 
at the prospect, as may be seen in a letter he wrote from 
Monte Porzio in the September of 1835: "Here we are at 
Monte Porzio, I in myoid corner, with :Minna beside me. 
The evening litany has just been sung, and the grasshoppers 
begun their endless chirrup. I have gazed with undiminished 
delight upon the splendid landscape below my little terrace, 
the mingled greens of olive and corn and vines-the three 
things whereby men are multiplied-the chestnut forests, 
1 W. Ward, Life of Cardinal Wiseman, i. pp. 117-18. "'"iseman, in his 
review of Hurrell Froude's Remains, denied that he had made any such 
inaccurate admission about the Mass (Dublin Review, May 1839). 


the tangled sides of Catone, the lordly piles of St. Silvestro 
. . . and Rufinella, and the bright mirror of sea beyond 
all, and I am endeavouring to impress every image as 
deeply as possible, that I may have brighter recollections 
of what I may perhaps never see again. I can hardly bear 
the thought; indeed, to say we are looking on anything 
for the last time is like a death-bed speech, and a final 
parting is but a sort of death." 
During the Lent of this year, 1835, he delivered in the 
Palazzo Odesca1chi the course of lectures <<On the Con- 
nexion between Science and Revealed Religion," which at 
the time caused a sensation in the learned world of Rome. 
They had originally been arranged as a course of lectures 
to his own students at the English College, and were the 
conclusions he had arrived at during many laborious years 
of philological and scientific studies. \Vriting to Dr. Tandy 
whilst these lectures were in progress, Wiseman says: "I 
am now pretty well occupied. Besides my daily lectures 
at the Sapienza and my weekly sermon-for I have the 
preaching all to myself-I am delivering on Tuesdays and 
Fridays long lectures at Cardinal Weld's upon the increase 
of evidence to Christianity resulting from the progress of 
the sciences. I have delivered two on the comparative 
study of languages, to very crowded audiences, in which 
were many literary men of great reputation, and have had 
the good fortune to engage their attention and interest 
beyond expectation. I shall probably publish them in the 
course of the summer." 
Mr. Monckton Milnes, afterwards Lord Houghton, who 
was one of the audience at the Palazzo Odesca1chi, the 
Chevalier Bunsen, Döllinger, Scholz, Dr. Leipsius, Count 
Munster, Cardinal Mai and others expressed their admira- 
tion at these lectures, and at the skill with which Dr. 
Wiseman marshalled his evidences, and, of course, at the 
extent of his reading and research. Mrs. Somerville, the 
eminent mathematician, on coming to Rome asked for a 
letter of introduction to him, and << expressed herself," says 
a friend, <<highly delighted with your lectures:' 
Mr. Wilfrid Ward writes: 1 II These lectures were In 

1 Life of Cardinal Wiseman, i. p. 134. 

some sense Wiseman's farewell to his student life, although 
he did not know it at the tinle. His reputation so far as 
the world of letters was concerned was probably at its 
height in that spring, when he was not yet thirty-three years 
old: and he used afterwards to speak of this part of his 
career as the happiest, both in itself and in the friendships 
to which it led. C During that brief and long passed era 
of life,' he writes in 1858, C congenial pursuits created links 
of which few now remain.' Apart from Italian artists and 
scholars, he names other friends and correspondents of this 
time whose memory he was wont to prize. C Such scholars 
in France as the patriarch of Oriental literature, Silvestre 
de Sacy; the rival of Grotefend and precursor of Rawlinson, 
Saint-Martin; the inaugurator (almost) of Tartar and Mon- 
golian learning, Abbé Rémusat; not to mention Balbi, 
Ozanam, Halma and many others.' 
U Among Germans he recalls !vlöhler, Rlee, Scholz, Frede- 
rick Schlegel, Windischmann and the two Görreses." 
With Dr. Wiseman's journey to England in the summer 
of 1835 and with what he did there the history of the 
English College is not immediately concerned. The only 
matter of special interest to the alumni of the Venerabile 
is to remember that the historic Dublin Review, which still 
flourishes as the chief English Catholic organ, was estab- 
lished, and at first edited by the future Cardinal, whilst 
still Rector of the English College. It may easily, however, 
be imagined that all Dr. Wiseman's literary activity, and 
the pre-eminent position he had gained for himself as one 
of the most renowned scholars in Rome, and even, we may 
say, in Europe, had an inspiring effect upon all the students 
who were privileged to live under him at this time. 
The Rector returned from England in time for the open- 
ing of studies. The Rev. :Mr. Ryan, who came out as a 
student with him in this year, has left his impressions of 
the Rector during the last years of his stay in Rome, which 
are of great interest to us and may be given at length. 
U When I first knew him he was, I think, at the crisis 
of his career, at the close of his student life, and about to 
commence the important part he took in the religious 
movement and the ecclesiastical politics of his day. He 

24 0 


may-I think he must-have applied much to study (at 
an earlier time), but I never saw anything like continuous 
application on his part while I was at the English College. 
What he wrote was thrown off rapidly and at a single 
effort. Indeed, what with his daily lectures at the Univer- 
sity, his weekly sermons, his duties as agent to the Bishops 
of England, his multifarious correspondence, his visitors and 
his visits, he was too busy to be able to read much. 
U He was never idle for a moment. Even recreation he 
made subservient to a useful purpose. On each Thursday 
(the weekly holiday) it was his habit to take us all to one 
of the Catacombs, or churches, or antiquities, or picture 
galleries, or the museums, or the studios of artists, and on 
such occasions we were often accompanied by some German 
scholar or other friend of his, interested in Christian art. 
. . . Sometimes he would spend a few days out of Rome 
in order, I think, to find a little leisure for writing. On 
one occasion in 1837, shortly before the yisit of the two 
English Bishops, he took three or four of us with him to 
Fiumicino, at the mouth of the Tiber, for two or three 
days. As soon as we arrived we went to the pier, such as 
it was, where we found not more than two or three persons 
walking, muffled up to the ears and looking very n1iserable. 
I This is their notion of the sea,' he said, I and most of 
them have never seen as much, and those who come here 
keep close within doors: so they might as well be in Rome.' 
He himself took great delight in the sea. We had a pleasant 
time of it, meeting at meals and spending the rest of the 
day as we liked. While we were amusing ourselves he was 
working at his articles for the Review, but always con- 
trived to walk out with us for a couple of hours daily, and 
we all bathed in the sea at some spot on the sands where 
we were not likely to be disturbed. He was very fond of 
what he called an 'outing.' Sometimes he would take the 
whole of us in carriages to some place outside Rome, such 
as the spot known as the ruins of Veii, taking provisions 
for a picnic. On such occasions he was the most joyous 
of the party, and he liked to see others happy. 
U In proof of Dr. Wiseman's versatility, I may mention 
that he often acted as our organist. Indeed he had a 

critical appreciation of Inusic as well as of the other fine 
arts. I t was he, too, who painted the scenes for the first 
play which we acted in 1837. I may take this opportunity 
of stating what I now feel myself at liberty to mention, 
viz. the fact that he himself wrote a piece for us, the scene 
of which was America. The manuscript was handed to 
those of the students who officiated as managers, with 
instructions to take a fair copy and then to return the 
original to him, and on no account to divulge even to the 
other students the fact that he had written it. 
If I think he was hardly aware that what enabled him 
to achieve so much was genius. He thought that others 
could do what he had done, and was anxious they should 
follow in his footsteps. I heard from one, who was cer- 
tainly not likely to be swayed by partiality, that he was 
ever kind and ready in affording help to others in their 
studies. He seemed unconscious of his intellectual superiority 
and would seek co-operation from minds inlmeasurably 
inferior to his own, as if on the same level with himself. . . . 
I do not think he ever forgot anyone who had been under 
him. I know many instances in which he befriended them 
in after life. If they had thwarted him or even shown 
hostility, he was ever ready with a helping hand all the 
same. . . ." 
Of Wiseman's intercourse with the students of the 
College :Mr. Ryan also gives the following account: If He 
seldom reproved in words, though it was easy to see whether 
he was pleased or otherwise, for he was as natural as a 
child, and when annoyed had a habit of holding his lower 
lip between his forefinger and thumb and pouting, which 
many who smiled at it then will now remember. The 
harshest thing I ever heard him say was to a student who 
had been engaged with others in a wrestling match and 
had got some hurts in the face which required sticking- 
plaster. He said to the sufferer, as he was on his way to 
our infirmary, ' If you will play like bears, you must expect 
the fate of bears.' In general nothing could exceed his 
tenderness and synlpath y for the sick." 
To quote one nlOre passage from the same recollections: 
"In November 1837, one of the Jesuit fathers was asked 

24 2 


to give a retreat in the English College. Previously to that 
time my impression had been that the relations between 
Dr. Wiseman and the Society were not very cordial. The 
effect of this retreat was remarkable on us all, from Dr. 
Wiseman down to the least of us-for I may venture to 
mention this much, since he said so himself. The inter- 
course of the students amongst themselves became frank 
and cordial beyond what it had been before, while their 
relations with their Rector were more intimate. He came 
out indeed in a new light, viz. as a spiritual counsellor. 
Many of the students chose him for their director. It was 
at this time he set himself the task of writing down his 
meditation of each day, so as to accumulate a series for 
the whole year." 
Thege meditations were published in 1868 shortly after 
the Cardinal's death. In the brief preface contributed by 
his successor, Archbishop Manning says of them: "They 
were intended to form the habit of mental prayer in the 
youth committed to his charge, and to infuse into the 
rising Priesthood of England a spirit of personal piety. In 
them we still recognise the voice we knew so well. Some 
will yet remember the days, sweet to memory, when these 
meditations were read in the Venerabile College; and will 
welcome them as a memorial of one to whom, under God, 
they owe perhaps the vocation which is their highest 
blessing. " 
In the last year of his stay at the English College, Dr. 
Wiseman received many distinguished Englishmen as 
visitors; amongst them were Lord Macaulay, Mr. Gladstone, 
Manning, the Rector of La vington as he then was. The 
two last named called at the College with a letter of intro- 
duction from M. Rio to Dr. Wiseman, and were invited by 
him to spend the feast of St. Thomas of Canterbury with 
him and the students. They came to the Mass, and the 
places in the missals were found for them by Dr. Grant: 
afterwards Bishop of Southwark. In an autobiographical 
note Cardinal Manning thus refers to this visit: "On 
St. Thomas of Canterbury's Day in 1838, Gladstone and I 
called on Monsignor Wiseman as Rector of the English 
College. The cappella cardinalizz'a was going to begin. He 

sent for a student to take us into the chapel. It was 
Thomas Grant, afterwards Bishop of Southwark. We stood 
together under the window on the court side of the chapel 
behind the cardinals. 
II On St. Agnes' Da y 1839, Monsignor Wiseman and I 
walked out to see the lambs blessed at Sta. Agnese fuori Ie 
Mura. He was not even Bishop. How little we thought 
that he and I should have the two first palliums in a new 
Hierarch y in England." 
Lord Macaulay was introduced to Dr. Wiseman in the 
previous November, and he visited the English College and 
the Vatican on the same day-a day which he describes in 
his journal as one that II would furnish matter for a volume." 
This is what he says about the Venera bile : II We went to 
the English College and walked about the cloisters; interest- 
ing cloisters to an Englishman. There lie several of our 
native dignitaries, who died in Rome before the Reforma- 
tion. There lie, too, the bones of many Jacobites, honest 
martyrs to a worthless cause. We looked into the Refec- 
tory, much like the halls of the small colleges at Can1bridge 
in my time-that of Peterhouse for example. We found 
the Principal, Dr. Wiseman, a young ecclesiastic full of 
health and vigour-much such a ruddy, strapping divine 
as I remember Whewell eighteen years ago-in purple 
vestnlents standing in the cloisters. With him was Lord 
Clifford, in the uniform of a Deputy Lieutenant of Devon- 
shire, great from paying his court to Pope Gregory. He 
was extremely civil, and talked with gratitude of General 
Macaulay's kindness to him in Italy. Wiseman chimed in. 
Indeed I hear my uncle's praises wherever I go. Lord 
Clifford is not at all my notion of a great Catholic peer of 
old family. I always imagine such a one proud and stately, 
with the air of a man of rank, but not of fashion, such a 
personage as :Mrs. Inchbald's Catholic Lord in the SimPle 
Story, or as Sir Walter's Lord Glenallan, without the remorse. 
But Lord Clifford is all quicksilver. He talked about the 
Pope's reception of him and Lord Shrewsbury. His Holiness 
is in high health and spirits, and is a little more merry 
than strict formalists approve. Lord Shrewsbury says that 
he seems one moment to be a boy eager for play, and the 



next to be another Leo arresting the march of Attila. The 
poor King of Prussia, it seems, is Attila. We went into 
Dr. Wiseman's apartments, which are snugly furnished in 
the English style, and altogether are very like the rOO1l1S of 
a senior Fellow of Trinity. After visiting the library, where 
I had a sight of the identical copy of Foxe's Book of IJl! artyrs 
in which Parsons made notes for his answer I I took leave 
of my countryman with great goodwill." 1 
In 1839, Wiseman's future was determined by his 
appointment as coadjutor to the Venerable Bishop Walsh, 
Vicar-Apostolic of the Western District. This was his own 
wish, for he had for some time felt himself called to labour 
in his own country. The ecclesiastical authorities urged 
this strongly, and the Pope finally acceded to their demands. 
The number of the Vicars-Apostolic had been increased in 
1840 from four to eight, and in May 1840 Dr. Wiseman 
was named coadjutor to Bishop \Valsh and President of 
Oscott College. On June 8 he was given the titular dignity 
of Bishop of 1ielipotamus, which was chosen for him, as 
we learn from a memorandum, for con1memoration of the 
martyrdom of a Vicar-Apostolic of Tonquin, who was 
Bishop of the same see: "not," he adds, H that he thought 
himself worthy of such a title, but that he might ever 
enjoy the patronage and example of so illustrious and good 
a pastor." 
Previous to his consecration as Bishop, Dr. Wiseman 
went to make his spiritual retreat at the Passionist Convent 
of SS. John and Paul. Cardinal Fransoni performed the 
Episcopal consecration on June 8, in the chapel of the 
English College. His mother, as he records, was present 
at the ceremony; and on the following day he ordained 
two priests for the English Mission and several deacons 
and subdeacons. He afterwards administered the Sacra- 
ment of Confirmation to a recent English convert, whom 
he had received into the Church shortly before-the wife 
of a Belgian Chargé d'Affaires. 
We can well understand with what sorrow Dr. Wiseman 
bade farewell to Rome and the venerable English College, 
whose associations" were interwoven with all the ron1antic 
1 Quoted in W. Ward's Life of Cardinal TYiseman, i. pp. 27 2 -3. 

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[To face p. 2H. 

impressions of opening manhood." In a diary which he 
kept at this time he notes: <C On the 1st of August, I left 
Rome after twenty-two years (about) passed happily in 
that city and in that College." He speaks of his grief at 
leaving <C family, friends, companions, and many sacred 
places, but especially the College, the Alma Mater of piety 
and learning, the nurse and preserver of the liberal arts, 
from which I have drawn any good in my possession. May 
God deign to lay up in His bosom the grief with which I 
said farewell to these and so many other joys, never to be 
torn from my mind and heart. 'The Lord gave; the Lord 
ha th taken a wa y: blessed be the name of the Lord: " 
<C Writing in 18 57," says Mr. Wilfrid \Vard, <C he recalls 
the lost sight of Rome, and the sacred feelings which 
accompanied it and were ever ready to come back in their 
old vividness up to the end of his life. 
" , It was a sorrowful evening,' he writes, '. . . when, 
after a residence in Rome prolonged through twenty-two 
years, till affection clung to every old stone there, like the 
moss which grew with it, this slender but strong tie was 
cut, and most of future happiness had to be invested in 
the mournful recollections of the past: " 

.. Cum subit illius tristissima noctis imago, 
Quæ mihi supremum tempus in urbe fuit, 
Cum repeto noctem qua tot mihi cara reliqui 
Labitur ex oculis nunc quoque gutta roeis." 
Ovid, T'Y'tst., iii. 14. 

I may, perhaps, be allowed to add my own personal 
testimony to the way in which the memory of Rome and 
the English College ever clung to the great Cardinal Wiseman 
all through his life. As a small boy I have listened with 
wonder to his recollections of the happy days he passed 
in the Eternal City. I recall in particular one instance of 
the way in which passing things brought back his thoughts 
to those days. It was on the occasion of a private Ordina- 
tion he had held at his own house in York Place, when he 
conferred the sacred priesthood upon one of the Oblate 
Fathers, the late Dr. Richards. I was there-I hardly 
know now for what reason; but the future Cardinal 
Manning-the <C Father" as he was then called at Bays- 

water-had taken me with hinl when he went with Father 
Richards to present him for Orders. At the breakfast 
afterwards Cardinal Wiseman, whose paternal affection for 
the young was one of his many charming characteristics, 
had placed me next to himself. On the table was a bunch 
of grapes, and as he took up the silver scissors to cut them 
the sight reminded him of Italy and of Monte Porzio, and 
he went into a long description of the beauties of that 
country of sunshine, and spoke of the view from his window 
at Porzio and of the pergola, with its hanging clusters of 
grapes, in the garden below. It was the first time I had 
ever heard of Monte Porzio; but I could see, from the way 
in which his face lit up, how his affections still clung to the 
old home of his youth. 


THE rest of the history of the English College from the 
departure of Cardinal \Viseman to the present day is too 
recent to require any full treatment. When Dr. Wiseman 
was consecrated Bishop in 1840, he was succeeded in the post 
of Rector by the then Vice-Rector, Dr. Baggs, who had 
come to the College in 1825. He was ordained priest in 1830, 
and had becon1e Vice-Rector on the departure of Dr. Erring- 
ton in 1832. On the death of Bishop Baines, Vicar-Apostolic 
of the Western District, Dr. Baggs was chosen to succeed 
him, and was consecrated titular Bishop of Pella in the 
Church of San Gregorio, Rome, on January 28, 1844. 
On April 13 of that year, 1844, Dr. Thomas Grant was 
named Pro-Rector until the English Bishops had been 
consulted as to the choice of a successor to Bishop Baggs. 
and in October he was appointed Rector. Dr. Grant had 
come to the English College in 1836 in the second year of 
Philosophy. and had been ordained priest in 1841. shortly 
after which he was n1ade a Doctor of Divinity. and became 
Secretary to Cardinal Acton. He was a proficient in Latin. 
French and Italian. and was well versed in Canon Law. 
and" through his connection with Cardinal Acton became 
onc of the most accomplished canonists in Rome. I twas 
during his Rectorship of the English College that the nego- 
tiations for the restoration of the Catholic Hierarchy of 
England were undertaken. and Bishop Ullathorne. who 
was chiefly engaged upon the matter. bears testimony to the 
aid afforded by Dr. Grant to bring about the successful issue 
of the business. "He initiated me." he writes. "into the 
elements of Canon Law. and into the Constitution and 
working of the Roman Congregations. He aided me in 
negotiations, revised my papers, translated them and shaped 
them; and having much influence at Propaganda, he used 
that influence in my service, as in the service of all the 

Bishops. Nothing escaped his attention in England or at 
Rome that demanded the attention of the Vicars-Apostolic, 
whether as individuals or as a body. A note from him 
always contained the pith of the matter, whilst by action 
he had already not unfrequently anticipated the difficulty. 
We have never had an agent in my time who comprehended 
the real functions of an agent as he did. He never by silence 
or excessive action got you into a difficulty, but he got you 
out of many. Above all, he never left you in the dark." 
The erection of the Hierarchy was the prelude to a great 
change in the life of Dr. Grant. Bya decree of Propaganda, 
June 16, 1851, he was appointed to the newly created see 
of Southwark, and this appointment was confirmed by brief, 
June 185I. 
U When he was proposed for the see of Southwark," wrote 
Bishop Ullathorne, U Monsignor Barnabò told Cardinal 
Wiseman that he should regret his removal from Rome, that 
he had never misled them in any transaction; and that his 
documents were so complete and accurate that they de- 
pended on them, and it was never requisite to draw them 
up anew." He was consecrated in the chapel of the English 
College on July 6, 1851, by Cardinal Fransoni, Prefect of the 
Propaganda, and left the Eternal City on September 2. 
He always remained a firm friend of the Venerabile, and 
on his three subsequent visits to Rome-in December 1854, 
on the occasion of the definition of the dogma of the Immacu- 
late Conception; in June 1867, for the Canonisation of the 
Japanese martyrs; and in December 1869, for the Vatican 
Council-he was a welcome guest at the College. On his 
last visit, he was very ill, and on February 14, 1870, was 
seized with a paroxysm of pain in the Council-hall, fell down, 
and had to be carried back to the English College. On 
March 7 he was honoured with a visit in his sick-room 
from Pius IX, but being son1ewhat better, accompanied the 
Pope to see the Church of St. Thomas of Canterbury, then 
in course of erection. He never recovered, and died at the 
College on June 1, 1870. Pius IX when he heard of his 
death, exc1ain1ed, U Un altro santo in Paradiso." 
On his death, Bishop Ulla thorne wrote his appreciation of 
the work he þad done in the early days of the Hierarchy. 



Ie His acuteness, learning, readiness of resource and know- 
ledge of the fornls of ecclesiastical business made him 
invaluable to our joint counsels at home, whether in Synods 
or in our yearly episcopal meetings; and his obligingness, 
his untiring spirit of work, and the expedition and accuracy 
with which he struck off documents in Latin, Italian or 
English, naturally brought the greater part of such work on 
his shoulders. In his gentle humility he completely effaced 
the consciousness that he was of especial use and importance 
to us." 
Bishop Grant was succeeded by Dr. Robert Cornthwaite 
in the Rectorship, who resigned in 1857 and was subsequently 
made Bishop of Beverley in 1861. On the division of that 
diocese, Dr. Comthwaite was translated to Leeds in Decem- 
ber 1878, and ruled the see till 1890, when he died. 
During the rule of Dr. Cornthwaite a project was started 
in Rome, which although not immediately connected with 
the English College at first, was subsequently closely allied 
to it. This was the foundation of what was at first known 
as the Collegl:o Ecclesiastico, then as the Collegio Pio, and 
finally was re-constituted by Pope Leo XIII as the Collegio 
Beda. A project was started in 1852 for establishing in 
Rome a house for the reception of converts who were 
desirous of studying for the Church, and for other English 
priests who wished to work at some special studies, for all 
of whom the discipline, etc. of the English College was 
unsuitable. The idea was started by Monsignor Talbot, 
then in hjs first year as Cameriere Participante at the 
Vatican. It was encouraged by the Pope and warmly 
approved by Cardinal \Viseman. In the spring of 1852 
there was taken a part of the house of the C01lvertendi in the 
Piazza Scossacavalli-a place, as Cardinal \Viseman con- 
sidered, very suitable, as H it was at least partly built with 
English money by Sir Thomas Dereham, who is buried in 
the English College." 1 
At the same time Cardinal Wiseman expressed his satis- 
faction at the project. H I am delighted," he writes, It at 
the idea of the New College. Take an opportunity of 
thanking His Holiness most earnestly in my name. I look 
1 Letter to Monsignor Talbot, Feb. 8, :t85


to immense advantages from such an institution, especially 
by its thoroughly Romanising the converts. You are right 
in your idea that Rome must convert England, for I attribute 
everything that has been done to its influence. Ritual, 
devotions, religious Orders, quarantore, confraternities, 
frequent communions, love of the Saints, Gesù Sacrame11tato, 
fearlessness of faith, attachment to the Holy See, more 
generous views of religion, a milder casuistry, more sub- 
mission to rule, and less of bold ignorant self-guidance, 
greater faith in indulgences, miracles, etc. (in fact more active 
faith), the churches open all day, and a hundred more things 
I could trace directly to the influence of Rome and its College 
and teaching. Now these things have influenced conversions 
far more than learning and eloquence. The Office of Rector 
to the new College will be an arduous one, as he must unite 
great learning with sound piety and firmness with sweetness. 
l'vlr. Scratton, brother of the first convert of that name, is 
anxious to study for the Church and would just do for this 
College; he is left utterly destitute by his conversion." 
In a subsequent letter the Cardinal suggested that he had 
advised two students to go to the College, and gives the 
. names of Edward Howard, the future Cardinal, and Edmund 
Stonor, afterwards known to generations in Rome as Arch- 
bishop Stonor. It was not till the autumn of 1852, however, 
that the place was ready for occupation, and on Sunday, No- 
vember 21, Monsignor Talbot presented to the Holy Father 
"the first six students of the 'Collegio Ecc1esiastico,' 
Coleridge, Belaney, Scratton, ShortIand, Bodley and Giles." 
" The Holy Father," he writes, " made them a very beautiful 
address, urging upon them the necessity of acquiring Ecclesi- 
astical spirit, etc. Afterwards I got leave to dine with them 
in the Refectory. The Maggiordomo presided at the table; 
on one side of him was Anighi, on the other Monsignor 
Vitelleschi. At another table were Sacchetti, Serlupi, Dr. 
Comthwaite and Strickland. At the bottom there was 
another table at which were Frennola and Don Pietro-at 
my own table were Coleridge, Belaney, Scratton, Giles and 
Bodley. The dinner was simple enough. After dinner the 

iaggiordomo gave us what is called' Pistachio.' We had 
our coffee upstairs. After coffee we had a series of persons 


25 1 

coming to see US; all the gentlemen Catholics almost in 
Rome-even Dr. Grant came. Dr. Cornthwaite gave a 
little address, very fairly worded, then was the Veni Creator 
sung and afterwards there was the Benediction of the B. 
Sacrament, at which the English College sung. Everything 
went off very well." 
In 1857, Dr. Lewis English succeeded as Rector of the 
Venerabile. He had been for some years Rector of the 
separate College of the Pio, which had now been transferred 
to premises in the English College, and it would seem that, 
on Dr. Cornthwaite's retirement, it was thought in Rome to 
be a good thing to appoint him as Rector of the two united 
establishments. From various letters that exist, it appears 
that in this the English Bishops were not fully consulted, 
and certainly some of them did not welcome the appointment. 
Cardinal Ferretti, who was at the time Protector of the two 
Colleges, in issuing the document uniting the institutes, 
decrees that there was to be only one Rector and two Vice- 
Rectors, one for each of the two colleges, the Venerabile 
and the Pio. The funds were to be administered separately, 
and the only things in common were to be the Church and 
the Refectory. 
Dr. English was in a very bad state of health, and it looks 
as if he had made it clear to the authorities in Rome, that 
if he became Rector of the English College, he could not 
undertake to be the agent of the English Bishops, as previous 
Rectors from Dr. Gradwell's time had been, and also that 
he would be unable to administer the property belonging 
to the two Colleges, and suggested the appointment of some 
one to see to this part of the Rector's duties. 
In the autumn of 1857, Dr. English was in England, but 
did not put himself in communication with the Bishops; 
and Cardinal Wiseman, in a letter to Monsignor Talbot, 
written from London on October 27, thus speaks about the 
appointment: "I have written to Cardinal Ferretti about 
Dr. English's appointment. But I am sorry to say that 
accounts of his health are very bad. I have not seen him, 
but Dr. Goss told Edmund Stonor ten or twelve days ago 
that he was too ill to say Mass on Sundays, that he had 
fainting fits, and that one lung was gone. This he had 

25 2 


heard from a person who had just seen him. Dr. Clifford 
told me his brother's (Mgr. English's) accounts are not as 
bad as that, but far from good. He is with him." 
A few days later, Cardinal Wiseman wrote more fully on 
the subject of this appointment. H I have heard no more 
of Dr. English, and of course not from hin1 since my last. I 
do not think he has made his existence known to any of the 
Bishops. I have always been candid with you, and therefore 
you will allow me to say, that I fear disappointments are 
before us in the College which will now have one head. Dr. 
E. it is understood will not accept the agency. The conse- 
quence will be that all correspondence will cease between 
the Bishops and Rector, except on purely College matters. 
A letter perhaps once a year calling for subjects or announ- 
cing the return or death of one, will be the extent of inter- 
course. Can the interests of the Bishops in the College 
be thus kept up? Can they feel the confidence they should 
have in one to whom they ought to entrust their choicest 
subjects, those whom they wish to have most attached to 
themselves and their dioceses? (Especially as some are 
under the impression that Dr. E. speaks contemptuously 
of the English Bishops.) I own I cannot think so, nor can I 
feel so. The agency kept up a constant correspondence 
between most of the Bishops, such as cannot write Italian, 
and the Rector. It was through this that they knew one 
another. In a letter of business a kind message would be 
sent to the students by the Bishop and in return their 
health, conduct, abilities and character were made known 
to him. Formal correspondence on the College would 
never take place, nor would it be right to have too much 
going on. Then of course the head of the College, cut off 
from England, and never able to say a word from the Bishops 
to their pupils, could not keep up their interest in it; and 
besides could know nothing for Propaganda of what was 
going on, except from newspapers, etc. As long as you are 
in Rome this may not matter, but it is a new system that is 
going to be introduced after just forty years' experience 
of the contrary. 
H I am wrong, however, in saying that it is a new system; 
it is a return to one that previously existed, with no good 



success. After the suppression and before it, the Bishops 
were obliged to have an agent, who either had money himself 
(as Monsignor Stonor) or ecclesiastical provision of some 
sort, besides funds yet existing in Rome, but now enjoyed 
by the Rector as agent. \Vith the Rector of the College 
the Bishops had no communication. '-"fiat was the con- 
sequence? They would send no students. I ha ve seen 
Bp. Challoner's answers to Propaganda requesting the 
Bishops to send students. He and almost all declined. An 
agent in England picked them up from the streets, and the 
history of most of them as they figure in the archives of the 
English College, where I have often pondered over them, is 
indeed lamentable. I may mention that one of them, 
considered a model, apostatised immediately, but thank 
God died three or four years ago in Westminster, reconciled 
in extreme old age. . . . God forbid that I should anticipate 
anything so horrible in our days under the patronage of 
the H.F., a good Rector and your attention. But why, 
after forty years of a system begun by Pius VII and Consalvi, 
in sPite of powerful opposition in Rome (for I ha ve the 
minute history of the efforts made to keep Dr. Gradwell out 
of the Rectorship and to disjoin the offices). which has 
answered not ill, for every Rector has been found worthy 
of the Episcopate and scarcely a scandal has happened in 
any Roman priest and not one in the College, why, I ask, 
after this experience, commenced under such auspices, 
return to try another of which the experience and result were 
so calamitous? Depend upon it, my dear Friend, the 
disconnection of the Rector from the Bishops, the making 
the latter mere stokers to throw in fuel and him sole engineer 
is, at the best, a new experiment, the fruits of which I greatly 
It But there is another serious difficulty. An agent there 
must be in Rome. Hitherto the Rector, one of the clergy 
and considered as prospectively almost certain to be a 
bishop, was the confident1'al agent of all. He was trusted 
in the most delicate affairs between a bishop and his priest 
or priests. Nay, he was entrusted with knowledge of our 
mutual 'ilziseriæ, differences of opinion, etc. If there were 
human weaknesses in the Episcopate he knew it from our- 

selves and could prudently inform the H.F. or Propaganda 
of what was going on. Who is to stand in this delicate 
position ? We cannot afford to keep a person for the agency 
nor should we get the Bishops to agree on any separate 
person, i. e. not belonging to us by the College connection. 
Is it to be some Italian, who knows nothing of England and 
cannot even pronounce our names? Would you give one 
our business on 'trusts: government bills, education, etc. ? 
Or must it be the Rector of the Irish or Scotch Colleges? 
What can either know of our clergy and of our social position 
or of our Colleges, or of our progress and institutions more 
than an Italian? We (the Bishops) are all perplexed 
beyond measure and shall probably have to meet. My 
opinion is that the official tie with the Rector once broken, 
each will seek his own agent, one a Benedictine, another an 
Italian, a third a layman (Tempest, e. g.), and so each carrying 
his separate tale to Propaganda, and opening a door to 
intrigue. One Bishop wanted to leave Dr. Cornthwaite 
because he did not think he pushed his side enough-the only 
obstacle was the general bond of the College. 
" You see, therefore, my opinion clearly, on this subject. 
Of course whatever the Holy Father decides will be cheer- 
fully carried out, but an intimate acquaintance (such as 
no one else can have) with the history of our past relations 
with the Holy See and of the College gives me some claim 
to a hearing. 
" And no less do I feel that I can speak on another 
subject: the intended revolution in the administration of 
the College. A residence of twenty-two years in a house, 
in every state from being the last and youngest student to 
its rectorship, gives one some right to speak. As a student 
I had not only Dr. Gradwell's kind confidence, but against 
my will that of Tosti, Nicolai and other persons connected 
with the temporals of the house. (Dr. G. from the day I 
entered it looked on me as his future successor. I know 
not why.) As Vice-Rector I had to superintend the expendi- 
ture, etc. But as Rector I had the invaluable assistance 
of my present Coadjutor (Dr. Errington), stern, inflexible 
and minutely accurate in looking into every bill, every book 
and every employment of money. The vineyards, etc. 



were all brought by him from a state of long neglect under 
the Deþutati, above mentioned, into splendid order, the 
fruit of which the present generation is tasting. But it 
so happened that just then the first revolution broke out, 
and for months or rather years payn1ents were suspended to 
us from the Dataria funds, etc. Yet we were left with thirty 
students I Still we pulled through everything, and how? 
Not by upsetting the system, which is sound, honest and 
accurate, but by working it well and minutely. Dr. Erring- 
ton and Signor Bianchini worked together day and night; 
every n10nth drew up a þreventivo or budget, made it fit to 
our incomings, or put off expenses not necessary. We did 
not stint the students in anything, we did not screw or 
straighten anyone. It was his vjgorous and necessary 
watchfulness and by his cordial assistance which encouraged 
others and gained their no less hearty co-operation, that a 
most rigid economy was attained and at the same time the 
system was fully tested and found to be valid and honest. 
Depend upon it, that if he had discovered any cooking of 
accounts, or fraud, or peculation or excessive profits or gain, 
he would never have rested till it was cured. . . . My expe- 
rience in life has led me to mistrust those who come forward 
on the principle that they will turn everything topsy-turvy 
and put everyone and everything right. They easily 
overthrow, but seldom build up. Such was poor Dr. Baines. 
He wanted to change any and everything and have a new 
systeln, and everything he did has perished." 
In more than one subsequent letter the Cardinal returned 
to the subject of the English College, about which he was 
anxious. Thus in November 1862 he writes: U Dr. English 
is, I fear, very ill. The very fact of his coming to change 
air at this time by leaving Italy for England, shows the 
restlessness and capriciousness of a fatal malady. Should it 
please Providence to take him away, I hope immense care 
will be taken about his successor; and that we shall be able, 
as always hitherto, to recommend a Rector also our agent. 
I must own that I do not feel easy about matters in the 
College and that I hope there will be time for opening my 
mind, should such a misfortune as I have anticipated occur, 
more fully than it would be delicate to do at present." 


II As to the College," he writes on February 10, 186 3, 
"I have no desire that you should propose to have any official 
investigation about the property. On the contrary, I dread 
any intervention in its affairs, spiritual or temporal. I have 
been glad that you should be Pro-Rector for this very reason, 
that the superiors are all national. This I deem essential 
to its utility. . . . I dread any return to Italian government, 
or any introduction of the element into the house. I was 
twenty-two years in it-student and superior-and I know 
my sufferings and those of others, during many years of the 
time. But you knew G. at ascott, an intriguer of the first 
water; and I feel certain that the introduction of one of that 
family into the College would end in mischief. Yet one seems 
to have wormed himself completely in to the V. R. 's confidence. 
But enough of this: I am sure you will be alive to this 
danger. " 
Dr. English was succeeded in 1863 by Dr. Neve of the 
Clifton diocese. At this time Monsignor Talbot was Pro- 
Protector of the English College, and from the first there was 
little sympathy between him and Dr. Neve, whom he evi- 
dently regarded as one of the old school and opposed to any 
changes for the better-or what he regarded as better-in 
the regimen of the Venerabile. Archbishop Manning had 
at this time succeeded Cardinal \Viseman as head of the 
English Hierarchy and Monsjgnor Talbot made no secret of 
his disappointment at the attitude of Dr. Neve. The new 
Archbishop of Westminster had long desired to see radical 
changes in the education and discipline of the English Semi- 
naries, which he regarded as antiquated and not adapted 
to modern requirements. In his predecessor's time he had 
endeavoured to effect what he considered as essential by 
getting Cardinal \Viseman to place the Fathers of the 
Oblate Congregation, which he had founded at Bayswater, 
at St. Edmund's College, Ware. He was defeated in this 
project by the action of some of the Bishops and the Chapter 
of vVestminster. He had then set up a small Community 
of Oblates in Rome and had placed at the head of it Dr. 
O'Callaghan, a fonner professor at St. Edmund's. Within 
a few years of his becoming Archbishop, Manning explained 
to Mgr. Talbot why he thought it imperative on him to do 



something to improve ecclesiastical education: "I cannot 
tell you the dearth of men above the average or out of the 
line of routine in this diocese, indeed in England generally. 
Good, zealous, faithful, unworldly as our priests are, their 
formation has not lifted them above the old level. We are 
rapidly coming in contact with public opinion and with 
society in such a way as to make a new race of men absolutely 
necessary. II 
Mgr. Talbot continued to write to England complaints 
about the English College, and on December 18, 1866, Arch- 
bishop Manning wrote: "What you tell me of the English 
College is not new to me. I am afraid all you say is true: 
and I see no cure but the complete remodelling of it. It is 
a sad thing that our noblest College should be so little 
appreciated." A few weeks later he proposed to :Mgr. 
Talbot to draw up a scheme for reorganising the Venerabile 
and to send it by the Pope's comn1and to the English Bishops. 
He adds: " Would not the Sulpicians take it? and can it be 
used for professors, and not missionaries only? I do not 
know a man to name for it in England. I say Sulpicians 
because they would not look for subjects; and I hardly know 
any other Order which would not; and some I know certainly 
would. II 
Mgr. Talbot replied by suggesting the plan of the 
placing it again under the Society of Jesus. To this the 
Archbishop objected, and expressed his belief that all the 
English Bishops would oppose that scheme, and added that 
in his opinion "what was wanted is three good rulers like 
Fr. O'Callaghan. The qualities needed are to be found, I 
believe, in England. I will gladly give any man in this 
diocese if there were one fit. But the real difficulty is their 
bad tradition. If there were a system like the discipline of 
Sta. Chiara introduced, the rector, even if a common man, 
would be able to work it. Now the I{ector [Dr. Neve] is 
too weak to resist the tradition of liberty and laxity. The 
mixture of men from so many colleges will always make 
confusion, till a strong discipline is introduced. 
" If the Holy Father would do this, and if need be close 
and reopen it like the Academia, it might be done. The 
Apollinare would afford an example of discipline. 


"We have a fatal notion that Englishmen must be 
treated altogether differently. Somewhat perhaps, but in 
the main the same discipline ought to be imposed." 
Finally Mgr. Talbot, without speaking to the English 
Bishops, who were all in Rome for the Centenary of St. 
Peter in 1867, proposed to the Pope to appoint Father 
O'Callaghan, the head of the English Oblates in the Eternal 
City, Rector in place of Dr. Neve, who had offered his 
resignation on the suggestion of Talbot. At the end of July 
of this year he announced this nomination to the Archbishop 
of Westminster, who advised him, if any of the Bishops 
complained, "to write a full and weighed letter on the whole 
subject of the English College as a Pontifical College. It 
is thought to belong to England, not to belong to Rome for 
England." 1 
Shortly after the appointment of Dr. Neve to the Rector- 
ship of the venerable English College, Mgr. Talbot, whose 
position at the Vatican gave him great influence with Pope 
Pius IX, conceived the idea of rebuilding the church attached 
to the College, which had been destroyed during the period 
of the revolution, and the ruins of which were described by 
Cardinal Wiseman, when he came as a student in 1818. 
Mgr. Talbot had been named Pro-Protector of the College 
and he persuaded the Holy Father to favour the scheme. 
Provost Manning, as he was then, was in Rome at the end 
of 1863, and the idea must have been discussed with him and 
encouraged, since shortly after his departure on January I, 
1864, a general appeal for the necessary funds was sent out 
in the names of Mgr. " George Talbot, Protonotary Apostolic 
and Private Chamberlain of His Holiness, Delegate Pro- 
Protector of the English College" and" Frederick Neve, 
Rector of the English College." It is an interesting docu- 
ment for the history of the Venerabile, and is worth quoting 
at some length. 
H To the Catholics of England, and of the whole Church, 
for the rebuilding of the English Church in Rome. 
H England anciently possessed several churches in Rome; 
one dedicated to the Most Holy Trinity, a second to St. 
Thomas of Canterbury, and a third in Trastevere to St. 
1 See Purcell's Life, ü. pp. 3 66 se 1. 



Edmund King and Martyr. These were united in the 
Church attached to the ancient Hospital, now the Venerable 
College of St. Thomas, from whom the two establishments 
naturally took their title. This concentration of all the 
English Institutions in Rome, is represented in the beautiful 
painting by the Florentine, Durante Alberti, yet preserved 
in the College, and formerly the Altarpiece of the church. 
" The old church was unroofed towards the close of the 
last century, while the College was uninhabited; but its 
columns and walls remained standing, when it was recolonised 
in 1819. A few of those who then occupied it remain to 
remember · the old temple' in which :Martyrs had sung the 
divine praises and had celebrated their first Mass. 
" After so many years' exposure to the weather, it was 
considered necessary to demolish what remained standing 
of this poor, but venerable, edifice, and to cover the ground 
with a temporary building of such a form, as n1ight one day 
serve for the groundwork of a new church. Indeed plans for 
rebuilding it were obtained at the time at considerable 
expense; one being prepared by the celebrated Valadier. 
.. From this brief narrative it will appear that the idea 
of one day restoring the church of · St. Thomas of the 
English ' 1 has never been abandoned. . . . 
.. I. Other national churches such as that of Spain which 
were abandoned and disfigured at the same period as ours, 
have been not only restored but enriched. 
.. II. We are thus left almost alone, among the greater 
countries of Europe, without a national church, in the 
Catholic metropolis, where even small states and cities have 
their representative churches. 
.. III. Yet more English visit Rome than natives of any 
other country. We are obliged every year to borrow 
ch urches in which to preach to them. How much nlore 
decorous it would be for us to do so in a sacred building of 
our own where our countrymen would naturally expect to 
find instruction in their native language, and where they 
would go, as a matter of course, for the catechising of their 

1 As national churches are described in Rome, e. g., .. San Luigi dei 
Francesi, San Nicola dei Lorenesi, Sant' Antonio del Portoghesi, San 
Stanislao dei Polacchi. etc:' 

children, and for the confession of the many who cannot 
speak any foreign tongue. J J 
Then, after speaking of the restoration of the Ecclesias- 
tical Hierarchy in England, the appellants point out that 
this" restored Church of the nation" would" attest publicly 
the perfect union and accord of English Catholics with the 
Chair of Peter, in their Orders, their belief, their Sacraments 
and in every rite and practice. Its existence in Rome 
would be a solid, enduring and ever-speaking attestation of 
fidelity, submission and filial reverence." 
They point out that it is at this time more than a mere 
English work when St. Thomas is selected as a " patron and 
protector of the Church's choicest and most delicate privi- 
leges" which are everywhere being assailed by "the adverse 
powers of this world:' And they say that the" proposal 
has received the unstinted approval and most cordial blessing 
of our Holy Father." 
The appeal thus launched was translated into French 
and Italian, and Mgr. Talbot wrote personally to many 
whom he thought would be able to further it. The re- 
sponse was not what he had expected. Cardinal Wisen1an 
headed the list of subscriptions with frso and Mr. Thomas 
Weld Blundell gave a sinrilar sum. Miss English was the 
largest donor of f200, and there were five persons, namely 
the Duchess of Norfolk, the Duchess of Leeds, Mr. Monteith 
and Miss Tasker, who sent froo each, Mgr. Talbot himself 
contributing a similar sum. There were several sums of 
lso, but most of the donations were for sn1all amounts. 
The replies received to the personal letters of Mgr. 
Talbot were not encouraging. Some of the writers objected 
to having their names associated with the political portions 
of the appeal, thinking it inopportune to introduce this 
element into the question. Many excused themselves from 
giving any large sum, on account of the many claims to 
support Catholic charities in England. In their opinion the 
needs of their own country for churches, schools, orphanages J 
etc., were at the moment overwhelming, and they could do 
more good to religion by giving all they could spare to help 
these, than in building another church which was not 
necessary in a city of churches like Rome. 
As a sample of what was evidently the general feeling 



anlong English Catholics a few sentences from a letter 
written to Mgr. Talbot by Lord Petre in May I864 may 
usefully be given, if only to excuse the apparent indifference 
in England to the project. "I fear," he writes, "that I 
cannot reply to your letter of the 5th in the way you expect 
and I should desire. I should of course with great pleasure 
give a small contribution to the great work you advocate, 
but I must tell you candidly that I cannot do more. I quite 
agree with you that it would be a magnificent undertaking, 
but, looking at it from a practical point of view, I cannot 
conceal from myself that it would be impossible, as I believe, 
for the Catholics of England to carry it out without neglecting 
more urgent wants at home. You know as well as I do the 
sad deficiency in London of church accommodation and 
priests for the poor; our orphanages and reformatories too- 
inadequate as they are to our wants
are barely kept afloat 
-and we have the immediate prospect of a heavy demand 
on our resources to provide establishments in which to 
receive the poor children from the workhouses, whom we 
have now every reason to believe that the Committee of the 
House of Commons will recomnlend shall be given to us. 
You wiU, I am sure, believe me when I say that I hesitate in 
opposing even such considerations as these-to a project 
recommended as this is. Others perhaps more competent 
to judge may take a different view; I can only say most 
sincerely that I hope I am wrong and that it may be found 
possible to carry out your great design without loss to our 
poor and unprovided for at home." 
Mgr. Talbot was not discouraged, although saddened by 
what he conceived to be the apathy of English Catholics, 
and preparations were made for commencing the work. The 
architect was chosen in the person of Signor Vespignani, and 
Talbot wrote to get the prices of Aberdeen granite for the 
columns. At first it was intended to employ Edward Pugin 
to design the proposed church, and he was instructed by 
Mgr. Talbot to draw up plans for a building to cost some 
f8000. These were prepared, but before the work was put 
in hand other counsels had prevailed and Pugin was told by 
Mgr. Talbot that it was found necessary to have an Italian 
architect. Pugin was naturally indignant and c1ainled his 
commission of f200 for what he had done. \Vhen he was 

subsequently shown the drawings of Vespignani, he wrote 
U an indignant protest against a monstrosity," and added, 
" I believe there is still sufficient good taste in England to 
make the whole schenle abortive if the salient points of that 
design were fairly put before the public. . . . I really think I 
ought to write a pamphlet entitled St. Thomas of Canterbury 
at home and abroad, I am' quite sure it would be a couþ after 
the photograph I saw." 
Pope Pius IX himself laid the foundation stone on 
February 6, r866. Meanwhile Cardinal Wiseman had died, 
and Archbishop Manning had succeeded at \Vestminster, 
and still the church of the English in Rome remained 
unfinished for want of the necessary funds. The advertise- 
ments which appeared in the English Catholic papers 
said: "The Holy Father has himself given the initiative 
to the work of building a fitting church for the use of the 
English nation in Rome and of the Sacred Congregation 
of Ecclesiastical Immunities, who annually attend in St. 
Thomas's Church on his Feast Day. It may also be said 
that the present chapel of the English College in Rome . . . 
is much too slnall for the present requirements of the College: 
from this fact, therefore, it is evident how unworthy this 
chapel is of its character of a National Church, and as a 
monUlnent of the great Patron and Defender of the Church's 
liberties. " 
In a letter, quoted above, Mgr. Talbot referred to Pope 
Pius IX having laid the foundation stone of the Church of 
St. Thomas. Some account of that visit of the Holy Father 
to the English College, and of his address on that occasion, 
must not be on1itted here. The Tablet 1 prints a full account 
of the ceremony, which was fixed for February 6, 1866. 
On the previous evening :Mgr. Talbot, the Delegate Protector 
of the English College, assisted by the Rector, Dr. Neve and 
Mgr. Stonor, erected the cross in the ground already occupied 
by the outer walls of the church and blessed the ground. 
At ten o'clock on the day itself, February 6, the Swiss 
Guards took up their position at the door of the College to 
await the arrival of the Pope, who was expected an hour later. 
Excellent preparations had been made for the visitors and for 
1 February 17. 1866. 



the reception of the Holy Father. On the right hand of the 
lower half of the church the Pontifical throne with its 
crimson velvet canopy had been erected, and immediately 
opposite the altar prepared for the ceremony, which covered 
the hollow destined for the reception of the foundation stone 
forty feet below the level. "The well prepared for its descent 
was lighted at the bottom, and a pulley and cord of crimson 
silk suspended it from the crane above the altar. A beautiful 
silver casket containing the Charter of the church, written 
on parchment, and the coins of the present reign was placed 
on a small credence table." 
The left wing of the church was devoted to the galleries 
for spectators and assistants. The front row was railed off 
for the accommodation of the royal family of Naples. The 
lower row was prepared for Bishops, Roman Princes and 
other distinguished visitors. Among the Bishops present 
were the Australian Bishops of Bathurst and Maitland with 
their Venerable Prin1ate, Archbishop Polding. The General 
of the Jesuits, the Rectors of the Scottish and Irish Colleges 
and many others attended the ceremony. 
Punctually at eleven o'clock His Holiness arrived, 
accompanied by his Noble Guard and the usual members of 
his household. An inscription had been placed over the 
door, and another on the wall of the church facing the throne. 
The first ran thus :- 


The second inscription was as follows :- 


After the ceremony of blessing the stone and lowering it 
to its position had been completed, the Pope ascended his 
throne and spoke as follows:- 
(( England! that country so celebrated for its commerce. 
England! that land so praised for its industry. England! 
whose provinces like the scattered members of a great body 
cover so large a space on the surface of the globe! England! 
Queen of the Seas. Ah! how far grander and higher a title 
did she once enjoy, when men named her the Land of Saints 
-a title as superior to those which I have emumerated, as 
spirit is to n1atter, as Heaven to Earth. 
(( But these saints have remembered their native country, 
and among them, him to whom this church is about to be 
dedicated, the great St. Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury. 
who rather than yield to the impious efforts of the great ones 
of the earth, feared not to sacrifice his liberty and his life. 
(< He 1i ves now in the bosom of God! Thomas, in the 
enjoyment of the Beatific vision, has seen th.1t he possessed 
in Rome a church poor and naked, reduced to the proportions 
of a chapel. He has seen that these walls barely afforded 
accommodation to the young Levites destined to revive 
the faith in the Land of Saints, that they were too narrow for 
them to worship in, and he has exclaimed with the prophet 
Isaiah: A ngltstus est mihi locus! It 
Then Pope Pius IX traced a picture of the religious 
destitution of England in the last century, and contrasted it 
with revival seen during the past twenty years, and expressed 
his conviction that the voice of St. Thomas had carried 
God's blessing with it and had" penetrated to the hearts 
of hundreds of Englishmen who will not leave imperfect 
this their pious work." 
When the ceremony was ended the Holy Father 
mounted to the first floor, where a breakfast was prepared 
in the Library. After which the Rector of the Venerabile. 
read an eloquent address to him, and the company were 
presented to him before his departure. 
In 1866, Mgr. Talbot started another campaign to get 
funds. He again wrote nun1erous letters to people in 
England. In one of them he says: "Ever since the Holy 
Father laid the First Stone of our National Church of 


.' . 
. .' 






t;I \.' 






. , 

. ....,- 


.'.,,_ t 


" \ 















St. Thomas of Canterbury in Rome, the works have proceeded 
without intermission. We have met with great difficulties 
in making the foundations at a depth of fifty feet, which has 
involved expenses much beyond our expectations. 
.. I must therefore again make an appeal to the Catholics 
of England, in order to complete the work for which many 
have already sent such generous contributions. . . . If all 
the Catholics of England would only contribute f2000 a 
year for three years towards the National undertaking, the 
church would be finished." In the printed appeal which 
appeared in the English papers on August 25, I866, Mgr. 
Talbot says that in the homily made by Pope Pius IX on 
the occasion of laying the first stone of the National Church, 
.. His Holiness expressed his confidence that the work thus 
auspiciously comlnenced would not be left unfinished by 
the English nation. The church is already rising, but a 
further sum of f3000 is required to complete it." 
Still the desired subscriptions were not received, and 
Mgr. Talbot wrote to England that he had practically made 
up his mind to abandon the attempt of completing the 
church. Writing from Mill Hill on October IO, I867, Father 
Herbert Vaughan, as he was then, says: .. The Archbishop 
told me two days ago that you were thinking of giving up 
the work of St. Thomas's Church. I heard it with sorrow. 
This must not be so. Why not let it extend itself over ten 
years, if need be, or even more, instead of over five as you 
had intended? It will never do to abandon it, now that 
you have done so much and overcome so many obstacles." 
In answer to a letter of lament from Mgr. Talbot at 
the slackness of English Catholics to respond, Fr. Weld, S.J., 
explains the numerous calls upon the generosity of English 
Catholics at this period, to which he adds: .. I think it is 
fair to them to say that few people out of England can 
understand. . . I think it is fair to them to bear in mind 
the facts which I have mentioned (i. e., the need of schools, 
churches, orphanages, reformatories, etc.), as I think this 
will remove any idea that they are niggardly in their alms, 
the fact being that the almsgiving is very great in proportion 
to the means and to a very great extent spent upon objects 
of extreme necessity." 


At the end of 1866, Mgr. Talbot wrote to England cr on 
a matter of great importance." cr We find," he says, cr that 
we shall be obliged to stop the works of the Church of St. 
Thomas next Christmas and throw ourselves on Providence, 
waiting for a time when it can be completed. You know 
that in order to carry out the design, part of a house has 
had to come down which yielded about a hundred a year 
to the College. We have always hoped that money would 
have come in in order to payoff this debt. Now I feel very 
n1uch disheartened, and as I know the interest you take in 
the College, I write to ask you to give me in writing your 
promise to pay as soon as you can the two thousand pounds 
you have promised to the College." 
The work progressed very slowly for another twenty 
years, and it was not till 1888 that the subscription list 
was closed by Dr. O'Callaghan, who succeeded Dr. Neve 
in 1867. Even to complete the work as it is, with the apse 
left out, it was necessary to spend a good deal of the revenue 
of the College and also of the Collegio Pio, as well as to 
realise some of the College capital. In preparing for the 
apse, which was never built, the foundations of the adjoining 
house had been cut through, which when it was repaired in 
the year 1917 were found to be in a dangerous state and 
required the expenditure of a considerable sum of money 
to make the premises safe. 
We need only add that the church was opened informally 
in 1888 and was never consecrated. 
Dr. O'Callaghan ruled the English College for twenty-one 
years. In 1887 he was appointed to the see of Hexham 
and Newcastle and was consecrated on January 18, 1888, 
the church being used for that ceremony for the first 
time, having been blessed by Bishop Clifford the day 
Mgr. Giles, formerly, as we have seen, a student at the 
Pio, and for many years Vice-Rector of the English College, 
succeeded. Bishop O'Callaghan, and held his office until 
his death on July 28, 1913. He was succeeded by Bishop 
McIntyre, a distinguished student of the College, and at 
the time occupying the post of auxiliary to the Archbishop 
of Birmingham. In 1917, the Archbishop found that he 


26 7 

was unable to do without the services of Bishop 1IcIntyre 
any longer, and petitioned for his return. To this the 
Holy See consented, bestowing upon the retiring Rector 
the title of Archbishop. His successor was nominated in 
the person of Mgr. Hinsley, the present Rector. 

Note upon the Portrait of Aristotle referred to on pages 9 1 -9 2 , 
contributed by Mrs. Strong of the British School, Rome. 


AMONG the treasures that vanished from the English College 
in the troubles brought upon it by the French Revolution was 
the replica of a once famous bronze portrait-plaque of Aristotle, 
which used to hang in the Library. All traces of the plaque were 
lost for nearly a century, none of the scholars, who, like Huelsen 
or Bernoulli, have discussed this type of .. Aristotle," having 
apparently had any knowledge of the whereabouts of this par- 
ticular example. In answer, however, to a recent inquiry set 
afoot by Dr. Ashby, Director of the British School, and myself, 
we were informed by Mr. G. F. Hill, Keeper of the Department 
of Coins and Medals at the British Museum, that the plaque was 
purchased some years ago by the late Max Rosenheim, and that 
it still formed part of his collection. By the courtesy of the 
present owner, Mr. Maurice Rosenheim, the plaquc was deposited 
for my inspection at the British Museum. 
I t is 32 em. high and 9 em. broad, rounded at the top and 
picrccd with holes both for suspension and attachment. The 
philosopher is represented in profile, facing right, with long hair 
and beard, wearing the doctor's cap with tassel and the doctor's 
gown and hood. Below runs the inscription in three lines- 
· Apt(],T07'f.À7JS Õ /],TOS TWV cþtÀo(],ócþwv. 
Style, workmanship, as well as design and composition, 
point to the latter half of the fifteenth century as the date 
of its production, and there is obviously no question here 
of a genuine portrait of the philosopher. Four other replicas 
exist, which are respectively in Naples, Modena, Venice and 
Brunswick. All five examples are obviously taken from the 



same mould, and the slight variants which they exhibit in the 
rendering of the hair or the facial details seem due to re-touch- 
ing with the chisel. The same portrait was likewise repro- 
duced in medal form (examples at the British Museum and in the 
Bibliothèque National
 of Paris) and as a gem. l In the process 
of multiplication the character of the face was considerably 
altered, but its descent from the portrait of the plaques is always 
dear. The C< Aristotle" was engraved by Enea Vico in 1546 
(Bartsch, xv. 338, n. 253),2 and it figures as an authentic portrait 
of the philosopher in the earlier edition of the Imagines et Elogia 
of Fulvio Orsini, published in 1570, though Faber, who re-edited 
the Imagines in 1606, doubted its authenticity, and substituted 
in its place two no less apocryphal Aristotles. 
The plaque, which so long passed as a genuine portrait of il 
maestro di color ehe sanno, though its non-antique character is 
self-evident to modern eyes, may possibly be discovered in time 
to possess iconographic interest of another kind. That it is a 
portrait, and not a generalised conception, seems dear alike from 
the individuality of the features and the precision of all the 
details of both head and costume. There is much, therefore, to 
commend the suggestion thrown out by M. Léon Kochnitzky to 
the effect that we have here, under the guise of Aristotle, an 
authentic likeness of some illustrious Greek scholar of the Renais- 
sance-possibly of one who had championed the cause of Aristotle 
against that of Plato in the famous Council of Florence (1439) 
and afterwards. Descriptions exist of these Greeks, whose long 
beards and shaggy hair roused the mirth, it appears, of the younger 
scholars of Florence, who, however, soon learned to recognise 

1 It is also probable that the plaque served as a model in a series of 
fakes or forgeries, all more or less directly attributable to the notorious 
P. Ligorio. For instance, the marble relief, described as tabella ma1'morea 
caput exhibens comatum et barbatum filotectum, which Ligorio apparently 
palmed off as a genuine antique, found in S. Italy upon Cardinal du Bellay 
(Huelsen in Roem, Mitteilungen, xvi. 1901, p. 177, 26), evidently repro- 
duced the Aristotle of the bronze plaque. Again, Ligorio seems to have 
used up the same type for a head in the round which was then adjusted to 
a headless henn, provided with the same inscription as the plaque, though 
with the addition of 
'Ta"yHp['T7]S (Huelsen, loco cit. 27, see also Bernoulli, 
Griechische IconograPhie, II., p. 88 and note, and Kaibel, Inscriptiones 
GrtBctB (C. I; Ct. xiv.), 159). Bernoulli sunnises, further, that the same 
type was reproduced in bust of Aristotles of the Collection Mazarin, that 
its influence still made itself felt in the bearded head at Wilton House 
(Michaeli, A ncient Marbles, p. 674, n. 7) on modern terminal bust, but 
inscribed Aristotles. 
J Dr. Ashby infonns me that there is a copy (reversed) of 1553, and a 
still later copy, with Lafrèry's address (No. 185 of the copy described 
in Bernard Quaritch's Rough List, No. 135, p. II95, quo no. 153 0 ). 


26 9 

them as " fully worthy of their ancestors . and still true to 
the traditions of the Lyceum and the old Academy." 1 We may 
form some notion of their appearance from the sitting of the 
council depicted by Filarete on the great bronze gates of St. 
Peter's. In later days people who had seen the Graeci, many of 
whom had established themselves in Italy, and were joined by 
others, were pointed at with envy by younger contemporaries. 
The Greek invasion of Italy had begun long before the Fall of 
Constantinople. What more natural than that an Aristotelian 
of the calibre, say, of Theodorus Gaza or Georgius Trapozuntius, 
should, out of compliment to his labours, be represented as the 
great philosopher himself? Or, should this appear too bold a 
conjecture, it may at least be surmised that an artist of the later 
Quattrocento took one of these learned Greeks as his model for 
the portrait of the illustrious philosopher whose writings had so 
profoundly influenced the scholasticism and the thought of 
the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, though at the time the 
increased appreciation of Plato seemed to threaten his long 
supremacy. The assertive tone of the inscription which proclaims 
Aristotle as the best (ó ð.PUT'TOÇ) of the philosophers would suit a 
period when his absolute authority was being challenged. 

But in the present connection the interest of the plaque lies 
chiefly in the long account of its history given on an old label 
that still remains attached to it. A transcription of this. kindly 
made by Mr. G. F. Hill. is given below. As the original is in a 
very bad condition, it is useful to check what can be made out 
of it by the copy, made when the label was presumably in better 
condition, which was discovered some years ago by Dr. Ashby 
on the back of a drawing of If Santa Croce in Gerusalemme." by 
John Alexander,2 who, during his stay in Rome in 1715, was 
doubtless entertained at the English College. This copy I shall 
refer to as A. 

H ANC Aristotelis Iconem HENcUS VIII Angliæ REX dum 
religionem litterasque coleret sunmo tamquam ab ipso 
Philosopho: jam turn spirante, ductam, habuit in pretio: lit- 
tcrarum pietatisque studio in ANGLIA collabente, earn CARD. 
POLUS unicum temporis sui lumen, feritatem Regis declinans. 
1 Sir John Sandys, History of Classical Scholarship, II. p, 60 with reEf. 
2 See Fort's Lrawings of Roman Scenes bV British Artists (1715-1850). 
from originals in the British Museum. London, MCMXI. 

27 0 


Romå detulit, quæ post aliquod annorum intervallum, felid 
casu, ad CARD. ALANUM in gens etiam gentis Anglicanæ orna- 
mentum pervenit, a quo cum fato concederet, ROGERUS 
BAINESIUS qui [illi] turn ab epistolis erat, dono earn accepit, 
ac vivis exiens Collegii Anglicani de URBE, bibliothecæ egregium 
[am]oris f ui MV'l}p.óuvvov reliquit. 
In 1. 10 illi is restored from A. and seems necessary to make 
it clear that Baynes was Allen's secretary. In 1. 14 [am] oris, 
already suggested by Mr. J. A. Hubert for an earlier reading, 
[temp]oris, is confirmed by A. The rest of the line in A. reads: 
amoris sui reliquit vii o Id. Octob. Anno lIfDCXXIII MYfJp.óuvv1]. 
The following translation, appended by Dr. Ashby to his 
publication of the inscription, may prove of interest- 
II This image of Aristotle, taken as though from that great 
Philosopher in his lifetime, was valued by Henry VIII, King of 
England, while he still loved religion and letters: but when the 
study of letters and piety decayed in England, Cardinal Pole, 
the only light of his time, a voiding the cruelty of the King, 
brought it to Rome. After some years, by a fortunate chance it 
came to Cardinal Allen, himself a great ornament of the English 
race, from whom, at his death, Roger Baynes, who was then his 
secretary, received it as a gift. At his death he left it to the 
library of the English College in Rome, as a special remembrance 
of his affection. October 9, 1623." 1 

It is proposed to deal more fully with the history of the plaque 
in the forthcoming issue of the Papers of the British School at 
Rome. Meanwhile this note may suffice to show how great an 
interest attaches to an object which links up in a direct and 
vivid manner the names of four personages so directly connected 
with the fortunes of the English College as Henry VIII and his 
kinsman, Reginald Pole; as Cardinal William Allen and his 
secretary Roger Baynes. 
As to how the plaque originally came into the possession of 
Henry VIII, it may reasonably be surmised that it was procured 
for him in Italy by Pole between 1519 and 1527, in those years 
when the future Cardinal stood high in his Royal cousin's favour, 
1 The same label is evidently the source for the notice that accompanies 
D' Agincourt's sketch of the plaque, Cod. Vat. 9846, f. 98 (cited by Huelsen, 
op. cit. p. 178,28). 


'1.7 1 

and when. after studying at Padua at Henry's wish and expense. 
he visited the rest of Italy. and came into close touch with its 
varied literary and artistic interests. Henry himself was a noted 
collector and art-lover. as the lists of works of art in his possession. 
preserved at the Record Office. testify. Though several plaques 
and plaquettes are enumerated in these lists. our II Aristotle." 
unfortunately. does not figure among them. But it is to the 
present purpose to recall that the Tudors apparently held 
Aristotle in high honour. If we may trust a conjecture of the 
late J. H. Middleton, it is Aristotle who-bearded, and with .. a 
sword knife and gypspere hanging to his girdle." as befits the 
U fighting philosopher" -stands in the first niche to the left of 
the entrance in Henry VII's Chapel in Westminster Abbey.l 
1 See J. T. Micklethwaite, .. Notes on the Imagery of Henry the 
Seventh's Chapel," in Archeologja, 47, II., p. 3 68 . 


ABBOT, George (Abp. of Canter- 
bury), 160 
Abingdon, Abbot of, 39 
Abyssinian quarter in Rome, 15 
Acton, Cardinal, 247 
Agazzari, Fr. Alphonsus: rectorship 
of the English College, 75, 88, 89, 
90-1, 92, 102, 107, III; men- 
tioned, 76,79,84,97,126,127,150 
Albani, Cardinal Protector of Scot- 
land, 180 
Alberry, Richard, 218 
Aldobrandini, Prince, 205 
Aldred, Solomon, 88 
Alexander III, Pope, 4, 5, 21 
Alexander VI, Pope, 48 
Alexander VII, Pope, 115, 175 
Alexander, John, 92 n., 269 
Alfred,King, sends couriers to Rome, 
7; visits Rome, 12; honoured by 
Pope Marinus, 12; procures en- 
franchisement of the English 
Schola, 12-13; receives gift of 
a portion of the true Cross from 
Pope Marinus, 12, 13 n. t ; con- 
nection with the institution of 
Peter's Pence, 14 and n. t 
Allen, Dr. John, Chaplain of the 
Hospice, 49 
Allen, Cardinal William: account 
of, 64 ; connection with the 
founding of the English College, 
62, 63, 66, 93; advocates Jesuit 
help in the College, 67, I I 3 ; 
view of Dr. Clenock as Rector, 
67, 68, 76; pressed to come to 
Rome to assist in settling dis- 
pute at the College, 76; his 
pleasure that the College is 
placed under Jesuit administra- 
tion, 76; arrival in Rome, 79, 
80; audience with the Holy 
Father, 79, 80; anxiety regarding 
the disturbances, 80-1; attitude 
to reception of students into the 
Society of Jesus, 82 ; secures from 
the Society helpers for the Eng- 
lish Mission, 82-3, 113; return 
to Rheims, 83; begs the Pope 
not to give so plentifully to the 
T 273 

missionary priests, 84; summoned 
to Rome on account of the dis- 
sensions in the College, 89 ; 
participates in the revision of 
Sacred Scriptures, 89; a coun- 
sellor of the Hol y See, 89 ; 
counsels an English Rector for 
the College, 89, 91; influence 
of, for peace in College affairs, 
94-5; friendship with Dr. Lewis, 
76, 93; death of, 91 and n. 3 , 92, 
95 n.; bequeaths books to the 
College Library, 86 
Otherwise mentioned, 7 1 , 75, 
91 n. 3 , 92 n., 96, 126, 132, 
161, 270 
Almond, John, 140-1 
Almond, Oliver, 154 
Alms, collected in England for 
support of the Hospice, 40-1 
Alwaye (or Alwayt), Henry, 59 
Ampart, Edward, 59 
Anderson, William, 164 
Anglo-Saxons, the: conversion of, 
1-2 ; interest of Anglo-Saxon 
rulers in the .. Rome journey," 
7; coins of, found in Rome, I I 
Annual Letters 01 the English College 
cited and quoted, 65, 75, 79, 86, 
88, 118, 121, 123, 124, 127, 130, 
160, 181, 182, 186, 191 
Antipopes, the, 4, 19; as a danger 
of the Rome journey, 4-5 
Antonelli, Cardinal, Prefect of Pro- 
paganda, 179, 180 
Apollyns, Adam (Bp. of Chichester), 
4 6 
A postolicum M inisterium, Bull, 175 
Aquaviva, Fr., General of the 
Society of Jesus, 82, 98, 110 
Arden, Robert, 165-6 
Aristotle, portrait-plaque of, 91 n. 3 ; 
Mrs. Strong's note on, 267 et seq. 
Armenian quarter in Rome, 15 
Array, Martin, 64, 65, 7 1 , 149 
Arts, the, in Rome throughout the 
Middle Ages, 3 
Arundel, Countess of, 153 
Arundel, Henry Frederick, 3rd 
Earl of, 168 


Arundel J Henry Howard J 4th Earl 
of, 199-200 
Arundel J Sir John, 133J 134 
Arundel MSS. J 200 
Arundell J Blanche LadYJ 162 
Arundell, Sir Thomas J 195-6J 197 
Arundell, Lord, 221, 228 
AshbYJ Dr. (Director of the British 
School in Rome), q'ttoted J 92 'IZ.; 
cited J 267J 268 n.2J 269J 270 
Ashley J Sir Anthony J 159 
Ashley, Br. Ralph, 138J 139 
Askew J John J 64,65 
AsserJ biographer of Alfred the 
Great J quoted J 13 n. t 
Atherton, Christopher J 130 
Atkinson (apostate)J 155J 159 
AudreYJ Richard J 165 
BAGGS J Bp., of Pella, 235J 247 
BaileYJ Christopher, 130, 132 
Bainbridge J Christopher J Abp. of 
York J 49-50 
Baines J Bp., Vicar-Apostolic Wes- 
tern District, 221, 222J 228 J 237, 
Baines (alias Edmund Mico), 145-6 
Baines, Roger J 91 n. 3 J 92 n., 270 
Baker J Charles J 146, 189 
Baker J Magdalen Maria J 32 
Baker J Martha, 202 n. 
Baker J Peter Paul J 32 
Balas, Christopher J 130J 132 
Baldwin J William J 154 
Bamber, Edward J 145 
Banister, George, 103 
Banks J Richard, 155-6 
Barber, JohnJ 28; Simon, 28 
Barberini, Cardinal J Protector of 
England J n6 J 169J 175, 191 n.t, 
200 J 201 
Barker J Thomas J 166 
Barnard J John, 59; Richard J 59 
Baronius, 95 
Barret, Dr'J Rector of Douay (and 
Rheims): on Fr. Fioravanti 
quoted, 91; on the differences 
among students at the English 
College J 97 et seq.; supports re- 
commendation that Jesuits be 
retained in government of the 
English College J 97-8, 99, 102, 
I 13; willingness to receive some 
of the students at DouaYJ 99J 
102; quoted, 127; cited J 136J 150 
Bartlett, Richard J 165 
BarwysJ JohnJ 133 
Basset, Charles, 122 
Ba.thurst J Bp. of, 263 
Bawden, William, 154 
Baynes J Roger J 91 n. 3 J 9 2 n'J 270 


Becket J St. Thomas J 20-1, 85; the 
Tragedy of St. Thomas 01 Canter- 
bury, 190-1 
Beda J Collegio J 249 
Bede J Venerable J quoted on English 
pilgrimage to Rome J 3J 6 J 7 
Bedford J \Villiam J 164 
Bedingfield familYJ the J 196 
BelaneYJ student J 250 
Bell J Fr. Francis J 145 
Bell J Dr. John (Bp. of Worcester)J 50 
Bell J Thomas, 64, 65-6 
Bellarmine J Cardinal J 165J 189 
Bellew J Sir Patrick J 221 
Belmonte, Mgr' J 172J 175 
Benedict J Abp. of Milan J 7 
Benedict XIV, Pope J 175 
Benevento J Abp. ofJ 35 
Bennet J Edward, 108-lo J I I I 
Bennet J Fr. John (the Apostle of 
Wales)J 143 
Bennett J Robert J 13 0 J 157 
Bennett J Thomas, 181 
Benson, Christopher J 162-3 
Bernard, St., of Menthon, Hospice 
of J in the St. Bernard Pass J 17 
Bernard, Dr., 74- 
Bernouilli cited J 267J 268 n. t 
Bianchini, Signor J 255 
BickleYJ Ralph J 151 
BiscoPJ Benedict J 6 
BishoPJ JohnJ 150 
BishoPJ \Villiam (Bp. of Chalcedon), 
10 5, 114J 15 0 
Blackwell, Archpriest J 104J 158 
Blake, Alexander, 131 
Blundell. Thomas Weld J 260 
BodleYJ student J 250 
Bologna UniversitYJ students ofJ 
visit Rome in sixteenth centurYJ 
Bolton, John, 151 
Boncompagni, Cardinal J 87J 88 J 185 
Boniface VIII, Pope, revives prac- 
tice of celebrating the year of 
J ubilee J 26 
Boniface, Abp. of Canterbury, 23 
and n. l 
Borghese, Cardinal J 102 J 105 
Borgia, Mgr., 179 
Borowbridge, John, 36-7J 53 
Borromeo J St. Charles, 54, 59, 84J 
93, 118 J 12 3 
Bosgrave, Yen. Thomas J 134-5 
Bost, John, 136 
Bottle, Robert, Prior of the Hos- 
pital of St. John, London J 38 
Bourbon J Constable J 51 
Bourg, St. Pierre, 16 
BradYJ Ma, ziere Eþiscopal Succes- 
sion cited J 60 

Braganza, Catherine of, 169 
Brampton, Thomas (Bp. of Roches- 
ter), 29 and n. 2 , 30 
Bramston, Dr., Vicar-Apostolic, 
London District, 218, 219 
Braschi, Cardinal, 206, 207 
Braybroke, Bp. Robert, 29 
Briant, Fr. Alexander, 65, 123 
Brickley, Patrick, 218 
Brinckley, Stephen, 198 
Bristow, Dr., 66, 68, 76, 81 
Brooke, Henry, 165 
Brookesby, \Villiam, 120, 186 
Brown, Fr., English Provincial, 
S.J., 174 
Brown, Rev. G., 209 
Bruce, Thomas, 83 
Brunton, Dom Thomas (Bp. of 
Rochester), 29 n. 2 , 30 
Buckingham, Countess of, 157 
Burgus, the (the Saxon burg in 
Rome), 15 
Burhed, King of Mercia, 14, 25 
Burton, Dr., Life of Bishop Chal- 
loner, cited and quoted, 174 seq. 
Buxton, Christopher, 130 
CÆDW ALLA, King of the \Vest 
Saxons, 7 
Cajetan, Cardinal Protector, 102, 
103, 104, 10 5 
Calixtus II, Pope, 19 
Calveley, Sir Hugh, 29 
Calverley, Edmund, 13 0 , 154 
Campanelli, Cardinal, 180 
Campion, Fr. Edmund, S.J.: de- 
parts for the English Mission, 
83; received by St. Charles 
Borromeo, 84; martyrdom of, 
65, 123; mentioned, 69, 82, 124, 
125, 15 0 
Campsey, Prioress of, 41 
Cansfield, Ven. Briant, 144, 162-3 
Canterbury, Prior of, 38 
Canute, King, 4, 13 
Capgrave, John (Austin Friar), 
quoted, 22, 33 n. fi 
Cappella Cardinalizia, the, 19o 
Cappella for the Feast of St. 
Thomas of Canterbury, the, 190 
Cappellari, Cardinal, 232 
Caprano, Mgr., 222 
Caprara, Cardinal, 116 
Captiva Religio, 191 
Caraffa, Mgr., 34 
Carey, Hon. 1\1:r., 196 
Carey, Ven. John, 134 
Carnaby, Launcelot, 158-9 
Carne, Mr., 201 
Carne, Sir Edward, 58, 59 



Carpenter (apostate), 167 
Carter, .William, 198 
Cassani, Cardinal, 203 
Castra, Bp. of, visitation of the 
College by, 88 
Catenby, Mrs., 142 
Catherick, Mr., 142 
Catholic Emancipation re]Olcmgs 
at the English College, 231 
Cavalchini, Cardinal, 177 
Cavallini, Pietro, 3 
Cedder, \Villiam, 150 
Chaddock, \Villiam, 154 
Chaderdon, Henry, 162 
Challoner, Bp., 129, 130, 139, 140, 
15 0 , 158, 160, 176, 177, 17 8 , 
Chandeler, William (of York), 28, 
29, 3 0 
Chaplain, William, 126-7 
Charlemagne, 4, 10, I I 
Charles I (of England), 14 2 , 143 
Charles II (of England), 169 
Charles VIII (King of France): 
fresco in Sacristy of S. Spirito, 
Charlotte, Queen of Cyprus: fresco 
of, in Sacristy of S. Spirito, 25 
Charnock, Robert, 105 
Chartres, Bp. of, 22 n. 2 
Chillingworth, 157 
Christal, Agnes, 29 
Christal, Robert, 29 
Clapton, Cuthbert, 167 
Claxton, Henry, 144 
Clement VI, Pope, 26 
Clement VII, Pope, 52, 53 
Clement VIII, Pope, 91, III 
Clement X, Pope, 169 
Clement XI, Pope, 171, 190 
Clement XII, Pope, 172 
Clement XIII, Pope, 177 n. 2 
Clenock, Dr. Maurice: account of, 
59, 68 n. t ; connection with the 
Hospice, 59, 61, 63, 64. 66-7, 68; 
first Rector of the College, 59, 
63. 66-7; incompetence as ruler 
of the College, 69; view of the 
English students regarding, 70-1 ; 
position in the national rivalries 
at the College, 70 seq.; proposal 
of the Jesuit teachers regarding, 
71; efforts to secure Wardenship 
of the Hospital for, 74, 76; pen- 
sioned by the Pope, 74; subse- 
quent career, 74 
Dr. Allen's view of, as Rector, 
68, 76; Fr. Parsons quoted 
on the government of the 
College under, 75-6 
Otherwise mentioned, 75, 87 


Clerk, John (Bishop of Bath and 
Wells), 37, 51; his Account Book of 
the EngJish Hospice, 37 et seq.; 
Clerk, Thomas, 4 0 
Clerkenwell, Jesuit house at, 155-6, 
163, 166 
Clifford, Bishop, 266 
Clifford, Lord, 243 
Clifton, Bishop of, quoted, 57,202 n., 
20 4-5 
Clithero, Henry, 158; Margaret, IS8 
Cloford, Thomas, 188
Coffin, Edward, 156 
Coinred, King of the Mercians, 7-8 
Coins, Anglo-Saxon: deposits of, 
found in Rome, I I 
Coke, Lord Chief Justice, 188 
Coke, Thomas, 188-9 
Cole, Edward, 156 
Coleridge, student, 25 0 
Colet, Henry, 24 
Co let, John (i), 24; John (ii), 24 
Colet, Richard, 24 
Confessors of the Faith: College 
alumni. 147 seq. 
Confraternity of the Holy Ghost, 21 
Congregation of Rites: decree of, 
respecting the Martyrs of the 
College alumni, 122, 126 n. t 
Connolly, Fr. John, O.P., quoted, 
20 4 n. 2 
Consalvi, Cardinal Secretary of 
State: superintends framing of 
Constitutions for the re-established 
College, 175, 209; interest in the 
College, 209, 218; mentioned, 206, 
207,208, 214, 228, 253 
Consfield family, 196 
Convertendi, House of the, 249 
Cope, Alan, 61 and n., 86 
Coptic quarter in Rome, 15 
Cornelius, Fr. John, 133-5, 154, 18 5- 6 
Cornforth, Thomas, 159 
Cornthwaite, Dr. Robert, 249, 2S0, 
25 1 , 254 
Corsini, Cardinal, Protector of the 
English College, 177, 17 8 , 179 
Cottam, Thomas, 125-6 
Courtney, Fr., S.J., 19 1 
Crane, Thomas, 59 
Cranmer, Abp., 46 
Crashaw, Richard, 196-7 
Creed, John, 7 2 
Creswell, Fr. Joseph, S,J., 89, 126 
Crétineau- Joly cited, 177 n. 2 
Crockett, Fr. Ralph, 129 
Crompe, Matthew, 42 
Cronin, Mgr., cited, 56 
Crosby, Richard, 218 
Cusani, Cardinal, 94 


D' AGINCOURT'S sketch of the por- 
trait-plaque of Aristotle, 270 n. 1 
Dakson, John, 218 
Daniel, Edmund (Dean of Here- 
ford), 59, 60, 61 
Danish invasions of England a 
cause of pilgrimage to Rome, 14 
Davies, Messrs., 235 
Davis, \Villiam, 199 
Dawson, John, 45 
de Garona, John, 43 
de Giglis, John. See Giglis. 
de Laures, Matthew, 40 
De Persecutione Anglicana, 187 n. 
de Pinea, Robert, 28, 29 
Derby, Earl of, 141 
Dereham, Sir Thomas, 205, 211, 
de Retz, Cardinal, 169 
De Via, Cardinal, 172 
Diario di Roma quoted, 223 n. 
Digby family, the, 196 
Disputations aild Sermons: account 
of the participants given in the 
Archives of the College, 181 et seq. 
Dodd, Church History, cited, ISO, 
160; quoted, 156, 158, 160 
Dominican House at Bornhem 
founded by Cardinal Howard, 168 
Dominicans, lawsuit with the Eng- 
lish College on Cardinal Howard's 
death, 170 
Doria, Cardinal, 213 
Donner, Lord, 221 
Douay, Seminary at: founding of, 
64; students from, proceed to the 
Venerabile, 64, 66; professors of, 
deplore intention of Jesuits to 
withdraw from the Venerabile, 
99; receives students transferred 
from the V cnerabile, 99, IO 3 ; 
refuses to send students to the 
Venerabile, I 15; flourishes during 
decadence of the Vellerabile, lIS; 
Basset's bequest to, 122; affected 
by Jansenist troubles, 171, 172 
Diary of, quoted and cited, 64, 
120, 124, 132, 139, 154, 15 6 , 
Doughty, Mr., 221 
Draper, Dr. Thomas, 45 
Drury, William, 164 
Du Bellay, Cardinal, 268 n. 1 
Dublin Review established, 239 
Dudley, Richard, 154-S 
Duke, Edmund, 131 
Dupont, General, 203 
ECCLES, Mr., 218 
Eddi, biographer of St. Wilfrid of 
I1exham, cited, 2 

Elements, the, as a danger of the 
Rome journey, 5 
Elfsy, Abp. of Canterbury, 1 I 
Elizabeth, Queen, 60, 88, 197; the 
question of succession to, 96, 97, 
Elizabethan Settlement of Re- 
ligion, the, 58, 6<J., 112 
Ely, Dr., 80 
Ely, John, 32 
England: condition of, after the 
Norman Conquest, 20; risks to 
the missioner in, greater than 
risks in India, 82; dissensions 
amongst Catholics in, after the 
Elizabethan Settlement, 112 ; 
Catholicity of, contrast with 
Ireland, 114; celebrants of Mass 
in, punished by penalties attached 
to high treason, 132; establish- 
ment of episcopal government 
in, 170-1; position of Catholics 
in, in the early years of the 
eighteenth century, 173; increase 
in number of the Vicars-Apostolic, 
244; restoration of the Catholic 
Hierarchy in, 247-8 
Englefield, Sir Thomas, 61 
English, Dr. Lewis, Rectorship of 
the English College, 251 seq. 
English, Miss, 260 
English II Borough U or II Bargo" in 
Rome. See under heading Schola 
English clergy: desire for appoint- 
ment of Bishops, 104, 170; atti- 
tude of, to the decree of Clement 
VIII respecting the Divinity 
degree, 111-12; distrust in Jesuit 
control of the English College, 
114; attitude on appointment of 
Howard as Vicar-Apostolic, 169 
English coins, early I found on the 
St. Bernard Pass, 17 1J. l 
\ English College in Rome, the J 
foundation, 59, 62 seq., 186, 190, 
194; confirmed by bull of Gregory 
XIII, 68, 69, ()9 n. l , 77- 8 , 79, 
84; constitution, 77-8, 176, 209; 
obligation to receive and main- 
tain pilgrims, 34, 7 8 , 194; number 
of students determined, 79; 
Gregory XIII a munificent bene- 
factor of, 63, 79, 84, 85- 6 , 87, 
122; studies superintended by 
Jesuit fathers, 66, ()7, 69; rector- 
ship of Dr. Clenock, 66 seq.; 
internal difficulties in administra- 
tion, 69; disorders in, due to 
national rivalry, 70 seq., 80; dis- 
content with administration of 



Dr. Clenock, 70 seq.; students 
petition for Jesuit government, 
70; English students leave the 
College, 71 seq. ; administration 
taken over by the Jesuits, 75-6; 
signs of new difficulties, 80-1 ; in- 
sinuations against the Jesuits, 81, 
95; efforts to unite the students 
and thcir Jesuit superiors, 
81-3; growth in numbers and 
reputation, 83; the first English 
MIssion from, 83-5; further dis- 
putes, 87 seq.; students' repu- 
tation for turbulence, 87; emis- 
saries of Queen Elizabeth the 
reputed cause of disturbance, 
8S; Visitation by Bishops of 
Piacenza and Castra, 88 seq.; 
complaints against Jesuit govern- 
ment, 89, 95; an English Rector 
appointed, 89; expulsion of some 
students, 90; annual subsidy 
withdrawn by Sixtus V, 90; re- 
duction of students and staff, 
9 0 ; Jesuit general desires to 
withdraw, 90; continuance of 
" stirs," 90, 91; return to system 
of ItaJian rectors, 90-2 
Cardinal Sega's Visitation, 92 
seq.; accusations against Dr. 
Owen Lewis, 93-4, 95; state- 
ment of students' grievances, 
94, 102; summary of demands 
of students, 95; remarks and 
recommendations, 95, 97, 99, 
102; report on administration 
and income of the College, 100- 
2; on intercourse with English 
residents in Rome, 102; sug- 
gestions of report adopted, 102 
Political basis of disturbances, 95- 
6, 97, 112-13; Jesuit responsi- 
bility considered, 9 6 , 97, 113, 
114; outbreak precipitated by 
Fr. Parsons' book, 96, 97; Jesuit 
government maintained, 97-9, 
102-3, 110; appointment of an 
English rector, 102, 103, 1 I I ; 
work of Fr. Parsons in settling 
difficulties, 107 seq.; difficulties a 
reflection of divisions in England, 
112-14; incident of students found 
drinking in a tavern, 103-4; ap- 
pointment of Archpriest Black- 
well accentuates secular distrust 
in College politics, 104-6; deca- 
dence due to secular distrust, 113 
seq.; efforts to re-arouse interest 
in, 115; students prohibited from 

27 8 

entering Religious Orders, 115; 
comparison with other English 
colleges, I 16; purchase of Monte 
Porzio, 116; account of the 
institution in 1667 . . ., 116- 1 7; 
effect of the fire of 1653. . ., 
117; a centre of English Society 
in Rome, 191 n., 201; protector- 
ship of Cardinal Howard, 168, 
1f>9, 170; the College rebuilt, 169, 
17 0 ; lawsuit with Dominicans, 
170; reputation re-established, 
170; inti uence of political troubles 
on, 170, 171-2; Jansenist troubles, 
170, 171; change in government 
urged by English Vicars-Apos- 
tolic, 171, 172, 175, 179; Vicars 
Apostolic complain of results, 175 ; 
Visitation of Cardinal Barberini, 
171; office of Protector vacant, 
17 1 ; effect of establishment of 
episcopal government in England, 
17 1 ; Visitation of Cardinals De 
Via and Rovere, 17 2 , 174-5; 
study of sacred Scripture and 
modern controversy enjoined, 
175; confidence of English Bish- 
ops in, destroyed, 175; effect 
of the Apostolicum Aiinisterium, 
175- 6 ; difficulty of 0 btaining 
students, 176,253; alumni limited 
to students in plúlosophy and 
theology, 176; low financial state, 
17 6 ; changes involved by suppres- 
sion of the Jesuits, 177, 2 0 5 n.; 
management by Italian seculars, 
177, 178; efforts to 0 btain English 
superiors, 178; pontifical decree 
allowing government by English 
seculars, 179; French Revolution : 
fate of the college, 203 seq. 
Re-establishment, 205 seq., 2 1 3, 
seq.; Rectorship of Dr. Gradwell, 
208; memorial tablet commemo- 
rating new foundation, 208; a 
return to original constitution, 
2 0 9; Nicholas Wïseman's first 
impression of, 210-1 I; the So- 
dality chapel, 211; students' dis- 
content at restrictions in, 2 1 3- 
14; students' successes, 21 4- 1 5, 
21 9, 220; account of students 
in first years of reopening, 218, 
21 9; Leo XII visits Monte Porzio, 
219-21; Rectorslúp of Dr. Wise- 
man, 222, 223 seq., 244 seq., 
254-5; visit of Lord Macaulay 
to, 243; union with the College 
of the Pio, 251; Rectorship of 
Dr. English, 251 seq.; Rectors of, 
also agents of the English Bishops, 


251, 252, 253-4; Rectorship of 
Dr. Neve, 256 seq.; reorganisation 
proposed by Abp. of 'Westminster 
and Mgr. Talbot, 256 seq.; re- 
building of the church of, 258 
seq.; foundation stone of church 
laid, 262; account of the visit of 
Pius IX to, 262-4 

Archives, the, vii, viii, 37, 40, 
116, 177, 201, 204, 222; 
Registers in, 115-16, 194 
Church (of St. Thomas of 
Canterbury): the old altar- 
piece in, 34, 210, 259; 
pictures of the martyrs in, 
122, 211 ; improved and 
refurnished by Cardinal 
Howard, 170, 190; condition 
of, in 1818 . . ., 205, 210- 
II; rebuilding of, 24 8 , 258 
seq.; foundation stone laid, 
262 ; opening, 266; not 
consecrated, 266; Dereham 
monument, 205, 21 I 

Confessors of the Fm:th: ac- 
count of, 116, 147-67 
Diary, viii; cited and quoted, 
148, 159, 161, 174, 19 2 ,226 
Finances, 86, 90, 100-1, 116, 
117, 17 2 , 17 6 , 208, 2 0 9, 255 
Library: bequests of books to, 
86; plaque of Aristotle in, 
27 0 
Martvrs : account of, II 6, 
lIS seq.; protomartyr, 65. 
12 3 
Personnel, 90, 101-2, 116- 1 7, 
17 2 , 179 
Pilgrim Book. See that head- 
Pilgrims: provIsIon for, 197, 
201; letters of introduction 
required, 198; abundant 
charity dispensed, 199, 201; 
reception of converts, 199, 

Sodauty, of the Blessed Virgin 
Students: accounts of number 
and distribution, 9 0 , 93, 99- 
100, 101, 116, 17 2 -3, 174, 

179; missIonary fervour of, 
119, 123, 133, 147, 191
the first to join the EnglIsh 
Mission, 65, 124; ef
ect of 
climate on, 85,192; arnvalof, 
from England in 1818. . ., 20 9 
Vineyards, for recreation and 
exercise, 85, 192-3 

English Hospice the: foundat
of, I, 26-9, '3 0 ; II foundatIon 
charter" of, 27-8; date .of 
foundation, 27, 29, 30, 31; sIte 
of, 28 and n. l ; premises extended, 
30, 3 1 ; connection with Tras- 
tevere Hospice, 31 ser;.; 

nection with the EnglIsh Kmg, 
37 n..; the recognised centre 
of English interests in Rome, 
39-40, 47, 60, 194; steady 
growth of, 46; character 
f a?- 
ministration of, 46; rebuilt m 
1412 . . ',.46;. inter
ention of 
English Kmg m affaIrs o
, 47 
seq.; papal interest m, c
after King's interventIOn, 4 8 ; 
during sack of Rome, 51, 53; 
status of, changed by defection 
of the English King, 53; be- 
comes a refuge for exiles, 53, 
62; appointment of GuardIan 
passes to the Holy See, 53; papal 
ordinance to preven 
 loss. of 
Institution to the EnglIsh natIon, 
53-4, 58; pilgrims from England 
again received on return of 
England to Catholic unity, 57-8; 
again a place of refuge after 
the Elizabethan Settlement, 59; 
Protestants turn to, for help, 
60; office of Guardian in the las
years of, 61, 66-7, 68; members 
attitude to the College, 67; 
property and admini
tration of, 
assigned to the EnglIsh College, 
68, 69, 77, 78; the lé1;st 
69; obligation to receive pIlgnms 
transferred to the College, 78, 
Account books, viii, 37, 49, 53, 
55, 56, 58, 64; interesting 
discoveries in, 49 

Cemetery, 46 
Church, 43, 4;6; cemetery of, 
46; donatIons to, 3 8 , 39, 
46; losses suffered in sack 
of Rome, 53 



Inventories, 37, 3 8 , 
9, 53, 59, 
61 ; archæological interest 
of, 37, 61 
Library, 39, 40, 61 
Management, 35-7, 4 2 , 4 6 
Pilgrims, provision for, 37, 43, 
61, 194; records of, 44, 58, 
195; student or scholar 
visitors from England, 45; 
an English "organist" re- 
ceived, 58 
Refectory: plate in, 39; pewter 
platters in, 40 
Revenues, 4 0 , 4 1 - 2 , 43, 4 6 , 53; 
contributions from England, 
40-2, 46; official collector, 
4 0 
English Mission, position and needs 
of: Bp. Petre's statement, !74; 
effect of the Bull Aþostolzcum 
Ministerium, 175; need of help 
for, recognised by English Govern- 
ment, 179 
Ent, Sir George, 200 
Errington, Dr. George, 218, 219, 
221, 231, 233, 247, 254, 255 
Errington, John, 218 
Errington, Robert, 159 
Ethelburga, Queen, 8 n. t 
Ethelwulf, King, 12, 14 and 
.3, 25 
Eugenius IV, Pope: reconstItutes 
the Hospital of the Holy Ghost, 
23, 24, 25, 46; issues Bull for 
consecration of the Church and 
cemetery of the Hospice, 3 8 , 4 6 ; 
the fresco in the Sacristy of S. 
Spirito, 25 
Eveleighe, Richard, 156 
Evelyn's Diary, 191 and n. t , 199,200 
Ewart, Thomas, 2 I 8 

FALKLAND, Lord, 196 
Falkner, John, 162 
Fanner, Thomas, 166 
Farnese, Cardinal, 31, 188; the 
Farnese Palace, 3 1 , 35 
Farrington, john, 144-5 
Fealty, Dr., 157 . 
Felici, Rector, of the EnglIsh Col- 
lege, 179 
Felton, john, 163 
Fenner, justice, 156 
Feria, Duchess, 61 n. 
Feria, Countess of, 59 n.! 
Ferretti, Cardinal, 251 
Fetwell, Robert, 41 
Finch, Mr., 145 


Fioravanti, Fr., 91 
Fisher, Blessed John, 51, 60, 122; 
the play Rofjensis, 191 
Fitzherbert, Sir Thomas, 155 
Fitzhugh, Robert (Bp. of London), 
3 8 
Flaminio, Marcantonio, 57 
Fleetwood, John, 218 
Flint, Thomas, 160 
Hinton, George, 198 
Florence, artistic inspiration from 
Rome, 3 
Floyd, John, 158 
Foley, Br., volume of Jesuit records, 
cited and quoted, vüi, 41 n. l , 43 n. 2 , 
44, 12 9, 159, 16 7, 195, et passim. 
Foliot, Gilbert, 21 
Foreigners, Scholæ of, in Rome, I I. 
Fornari, Cardinal, 228. 229 
Forster, Dr. Hugh, 41 
Fortescue family. the. 196 
Forty Hours' Exposition. the, ac- 
count of institution of, 186 
Foster, Dom Hugh (of Glaston- 
bury). 33 
Foster. Thomas. 165 
Foster. William, 164 
Fowler. Walter. 143 
Foxe's Book of Martyrs. 244 
Francis, John (Franciscan chaplain 
of the English Hospice). 39. 40, 
4 8 
Franks. the. 2; the Schola Fran- 
corum. 15, 19, 26 
Fransoni, Cardinal, Prefect of Pro- 
paganda, 244, 248 
Frederic I, Emperor (Barbarossa). 
4, 20 
Frisians, Schola of the, IS 
Frodoard the Chronicler. quoted, 4 
Froude, Hurrell, 236. 237 and n. 
GAETANI. Cardinal. 91. 98 
Gage family, the. 196 
Galeffi. Cardinal. 207 
Gardiner. Bp. (of Winchester), 60 
Gardiner, Francis, 166-7 
Garlick, Nicholas, 130 
Garnett, Fr. Henry. S.J.. 137. 138, 
139 . 
Garth. (or Leigh. Richard), 129 
Gascoigne. Sir Thomas, 202 n. 
Gaylot, John. 32 
Gaza. Theodorus, 269 
Gee's list of priests quoted, 164 
Gell, Sir W.. 229 
Gentleman's Magazine (1735) cited. 
Gerard, Fr.. 163; Autobiography 
quoted. 153 


Gerard. Mr. J. W., quoted on the 
Sack of Rome. 52 
Gerdil, Cardinal, 180 
Gibbons, Andrew, 185 
Giblet, William, 59, 60 
Gibson. Bp.. 209 
Gifford. Gilbert. 83. 88 
Gifford, William (Abp. of Rheims). 
Giglis. John, 39. 47. 4 8 
Giglis. Dr. Silvester. 50 
Gilbert, George, 121, 122 
Giles. Mgr.. Vice-Rector of the 
College, 250,266 
Gillow. Henry, 209. 214, 218 
Gillow. Richard, Vice-Rector of the 
College. 218 and n. 
Giraldus Cambrensis, on the dangers 
of the .. Rome journey." quoted, 
5 n. l ; connection of. with the 
Hospital of the Holy Ghost. 23 
Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E., 242 
Golding, D. Laurence, 41 
Goldsmith, John the, 28, 29 
Goldwell. Bp. Thomas: account 
of. 54; commissary to Cardinal 
Pole. 54. 55, 56; connection with 
the English Hospice, 55, 56. 59. 
86. 87; leaves Rome to take 
charge of his diocese of St. Asaph, 
58; return and continuous resi- 
dence at the Hospice, 58; retires 
to house of the Theatines. 87; 
death, 86, 87; his bequests to the 
English College, 86. 87; his epi- 
taph in the cloister. 86. 
Otherwise mentioned. 60. 66, 
127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 135. 
139, 152 
Gore, John. 71 
Gonnanston, Lord. 221 
Gradwell, Dr., Rector of the English 
College, 205, 207-8, 253; account 
of the restoration of the English 
College, 205-7, 208; receives 
students from England, 209, 210, 
212; account of the discontent 
of the new students, 213, 214; on 
the success of his students, 214; 
on the nature of the Concorso, 
2 I 5; receives Divinity degree, 
215; on Wiseman's public de- 
fensions 216-18; account of stu- 
dents received at the College in 
the first years after reopening, 
218; appointed coadjutor of Bp. 
Bramston, 218, 221-2; on Erring- 
ton's .. Public Act," 219; on visit 
of Leo XII to Monte Porzio, 
219-21; relates another example 
of the Holy Father's benevolence 

to the College, 221; debt of the 
institution to, 222; consecration 
of, and departure for England, 
Mentioned, 34, 226, 25 1 , 254 
Grandison, Bp. of Exeter: Register 
of, cited, 30 
Grant, Dr. Thomas, Bp. of South- 
wark, 242, 243, 247-9, 25 1 
Grapham, Robert, 59 
Gratley, Edward, 73, 88 
Graves, Sir William. See Greaves. 
Gray, Robert, 155 
Gray, Dr. William, Protonotary 
Apostolic, 35 
"Great Litany," procession of, 18 
Greaves, Sir \Villiam, 200 
Green, Cuthbert, 167 
Green, John, 153 
Green, Rev. Stephen, 207 
Greenway, Anthony, 164 
Gregorian University, the, 209 
Gregory the Great, Pope, I 
Gregory II, Pope, 8, 10 
Gregory VII, Pope, 4 
Gregory XI, Pope, 30 
Gregory XIII, Pope: foundation 
of the English College by, 62 et 
seq., 77-8, 84, 176, 183, 186, 190, 
194,209; the Bull of foundation, 
77-8 ; assigns property of the 
Hospice to use of the Seminary, 
68,76-7; attitude of, to the rebel- 
lious English students, 7 0 , 72-4; 
a munificent benefactor of the Col- 
lege and the students, 79- 80 , 84, 
85, 117, 182; approves Jesuit 
participation in the English Mis- 
sion, 82; generosity of, to depart- 
ing priests, 84-5, 86, 183; care 
for the health of the students, 85, 
192; grants special indulgences 
to the students, 85-6, 87; makes 
important concessions to the 
College, 122; his death, 86 
Fr. Hart's address to, 183-4 
Gregory XIV, Pope, contributes to 
support of the College, 86 
Gregory XV, Pope, 114 
Gregory XVI, Pope, 232, 233 
Gressope, Mr., 59 
Grey, \\Talter, Protonotary Apos- 
tolic, 32, 46 
Griffin, Dr. Hugh, Provost of Cam- 
bray, 108 n. 3 , 110 
Griffiths, Dr., 229 
Grosse, John, 163 
Grosvenor, Robert, 165-6 
Gunpowder Plot, the, 139, 152,158, 
161, 199; banishment of priest
after, 140, 158 



Guy of Montpellier, founder of the 
Confraternity of the Holy Ghost, 

HACKET, John Baptist (Dominican 
friar), I 68 
Hadrian IV, Pope, lays Rome under 
interdict, 20 
Hall, William, 218 
Halsey, Dr. Thomas, 44, 50 and n. 
Hamerford, Thomas, 126, 127 
Hannibal, Dr. Thomas, 46, 50 
Harborough, Henry, Canon of Salis- 
bury, 32 
Harpesfield, Dr. Nicholas, vill, 44-5 
Harrington, Jeremy, 218 
Harrison, Fr. John, 127-8 
Harrison, 'William, 64, 65, 149, 18 3 
Hart, Nicholas, 161-2 
Hart, Fr. William, 126, 183; 
address in Latin to Pope Gregory 
XIII, 183-4 
Harvey, Dr. Wïlliam, 200 
Hatton, Edward, 156 
Hawkins, Henry, 165 
Hawkwood, Sir John, 29 
Haydock, George, 126, 127, 148, 
Haydock, Richard, 71, 148; ac- 
count of the rebellion at the 
English College, 71 seq. 
Healey, John, 158 
Heath, Fr. Paul, 145 
Heathe, Thomas, 128 
Henry II, of England, 21 
Henry III, of England, 3 n. 7 
Henry VII, of England: a member 
of the Confraternity of the Holy 
Spirit, 24, 49; intervention of, 
in the affairs of the English 
Hospice, 47-8, 49; offers obedi- 
ence to Pope Julius II, 48 
Chapel of, in Westminster 
Abbey: statue of Aristotle 
in, 271 
Henry VIII, of England : work of, 
on the Seven Sacraments against 
Luther presented to Leo X, 51; 
suppression of Yorkshire monas- 
teries by, 55; Dr. Hilyard's 
History of the Divorce of, 55; 
mentioned, 46, 49, 50, 54, 269, 
27 0 , 27 1 
Henry IV, Emperor, 20 
Henry V, Emperor, 20 
Henshaw, Henry, 59, 60, 61, 64, 
66, 67, 68, 69 
Heptonstall, George, 218 
Hildebrand (Gregory VII), 4 
Hildesley, Thomas, 187-8 
Hill, Mr. G. F.. cited, 267, 269 


Hill, Richard, 131 
Hill, Thomas, 159-60: A Quarter- 
nion of Reasons, 160 
Hilyard, Dr. Richard, 55, 56 
Hinsley, Mgr., Rector of the English 
College, 267 
Hippisley, Sir John Coxe, 206, 
Hogg, James, 131 
Holiday, Richard, 13 1 
Holland, Francis, 161 
Holland, Dr. Seth (Dean of \Vorces- 
ter), 57 
Holling, Dr. (of Lancashire), 196 
Holstenius, Lucas, 200 
Holt, Fr. \ViIIiam, S.J., 64, 65, 81, 
89,9 0 
Holtby, Fr., 159 
Holy Land, loss of: effect on pil- 
grimage to Rome, 26 
Honorius III, Pope, 22 n. 2 
Horner, Nicholas, 13 1 
Hospices of the European peoples 
in Rome, 26 
Hospital of the Holy Ghost. See 
S. Spiritus. 
Houghton, Lord (Monckton Milnes), 
23 8 
Howard, Edward, 250 
Boward, Philip Thomas, Cardinal: 
account of, 168-70; becomes 
Cardinal Protector of the English 
College, 169; rebuilds the Eng- 
lish College and its church, 169, 
170, 19 0 
Hubert, Mr. J. A., cited, 270 
Budd, Fr. John, 163 
Hugh, Bp. of Geneva, builds a 
church at Bourg St. Pierre, 16 
Hughes, contentious student, 81 
Hülsen, cited, 92 n., 267, 268 n. t , 
270 n. t 
Hungarian quarter in Rome, 15 
Hunt, Thurston, 137 
Husenbeth, Dr., 233 
Hyde, Leonard, 149; Peter, 149 
INA, king of the "Vest Saxons, 8; 
visit to Rome, 8 and n. t ; founds 
Schola Anglorum, 8, 9, 10, 12; 
builds a church in honour of the 
Blessed Virgin Mary, 8, 9, 14 n. lI : 
institutes Peter's Pence, 9 and n. 1 
Inge, Dr. Hugh (Abp. of Dublin), 
39, 49 
Ingram, John, 135-6 
Innocent III, Pope, 21; founds the 
Hospital of S. Spiritus, 2 I and 
n. 3 , 22; establishes an honorary 
confraternity in connection with 
the hospital, 23, 24; the frescoes 


of, in the Sacristy of S. Spirito, 
25; mentioned, 14 
Innocent VI, Pope, 28, 43 
Innocent X, Pope, 168 
Innocent XI, Pope, establishes 
episcopal government in Eng- 
land, 171 
Innocent XII, Pope, 17 1 
Ireland, preservation of Catholic 
Hierarchy in: contrast with 
England, 114 
JAMES I, of England, 141, 142, 149, 
154, 157; collection of M55., 200 
James II, of England, 170, 171-2 
James III, of England, 190 
James, Edward, 129-30 
Jansenist troubles: effect of, on the 
English College, 170, 171 
Jennings, Edmund, 131 
Jesuits: connection with the 
English College, 66, 67, 69, 70, 
113, 207; attitude to dissensions, 
69-7 0 , 7 1 , 7 2 , 113: assume ad- 
ministration, 75, 7 6 , 79, 113, 114; 
insinuations against their rule, 
81, 89, 114: participate in the 
English Mission, 76, 81-3; desire 
to withdraw from direction of 
the College, 71, 90, 95, 9 8 , 113: 
defence against accusations of 
mismanagement, 95; maintained 
in government, 97 seq., 102, 110; 
secular distrust of, 112, 114; 
their rule of the College con- 
sidered, 113-14: suppression of, 
17 6 , 177, 205 n. 
Account of Confessors of the 
English Mission, 148, 167 
John, King, of England, 15, 22 
and fl.!, 23 n. 2 
John VII, Pope, II, 13 
John XV, Pope, 18 
John of the Cell (Monk of St. Al- 
bans) quoted, 8-g 
Jones, Richard, 2 I 8 
] ones, Thomas, 2 I 8 
Jubilee, practice of celebrating the 
year of, revived, 26 
Julius II, Pope, 48 
Julius III, Pope, 56, 58 
] upiter Penninus, temple of, 17 
and n. 1 

KAVANAGH, \Villiam, 214, 215 
and n. 1 
Kearns, John, 214, 218 
King, Dr. (Protestant Bp. of Lon- 
don), 140, 141, 152 
Kirby, Fr. Luke, 83, 124 
Kirk, john, of Salop, 205 and n. 

Kirton, Thomas, 59, 61 
Knight {Knecht ?}, Roger, 32 
Knott, William, 59 
Kochnitzky, M. Léon, cited. 268 
Kyan, Rev. Mr., account of Dr. 
Wiseman's last years in Rome as 
Rector, 239 seq. 
LACEY, Fr. William. 126 
Lacy, John, 33, 4 2 
Lamennais, A bbé, 2 I 7 
Lampton, Joseph, 133 
La n ciani, Prof., cited on Anglo- 
Saxon coins found in Rome, II 
Lancisiana, Biblioteca, 24 
Langobardorum immanitas, the, as 
a danger of the" Rome journey," 
Lascelles, John, 142-3 
Lasenby, Thomas, 48 
Lathom (John Almond), 140-1 
Lea, John, 189 
Leeds, Duchess of, 260 
Legenda, 169 
Leigh, Richard, 129 
Leo III, Pope, contemporary bio- 
grapher of, II 
Leo IV, Pope: builds the Leonine 
City, 13, 14, 19 n. t ; assists to 
quell fire in the English quarter, 
13; rebuilds the Church of our 
Lady, 14 and n. 2 ; gives presents 
to the English Schola, 14, 19 n. t ; 
reserves righ t of choosing the 
Archpriest of the Schola, 19 and 
n t .; fresco of, in the Sacristy of 
S. Spirito, 25 
Leo IX, Pope, 3, 19 nn. t and 3. 
Leo X, Pope, 51,57 
Leo XII, Pope, 225, 226, 231; visit 
to Monte Porzio, 219; benevo- 
lence of, Dr. Gradwell quoted on, 
Leo XIII, Pope, founds the Collegio 
Beda, 249 
Leonine City, the, 13, 20; English 
quarter in, 15 
Lewis, David, 146, 189 
Lewis, Morgan, 146 
Lewis, Dr. Owen, Bp. of Cassano: 
account of, 62, 84, 93; connec- 
tion with founding of the English 
College, 62 et seq., 93; obtains 
appointment of Dr. Clenock as 
Rector, 63, 66, 67, 68, 69; obtains 
pensions for chaplains of the old 
Hospice, 69 ; vicws of the 
6tudents as to, 70; attitude to 
the rebellious English students. 
72, 74; his efforts to secure the 
office of Custos of the Hospital 



for Dr. Clenock, 74; friendship 
with Cardinal Allen, 7 6 , 93 ; 
accusa tions against, in Cardinal 
Sega's report, 93-4, 95; attitude 
of students to, on Cardinal 
Allen's decease, 94; buried in 
College chapel, 94; benefactions 
to the College, 94; masses for, 
Liber Fraternitatis S. Spiritus et S. 
Jr!arie in Saxia de Urbe, quoted. 
24 and n. t 
Liber Ruber, the, cited, 56 
Ligorio, P., fakes by, based upon 
the portrait-plaque of Aristotle, 
268 n. t 
Lilly, George, 42, 56 
Linacre, Dr. Thomas, associa tion 
of, with the English College, 3B-9 
Line, Henry, 29 
Lingard, Rev. John, 207 
Lister, Thomas, 151 
Listoire des Engles quoted, 12-13 
and 13 n. t 
Litta, Cardinal, 206, 207, 213 
Littleton (Gunpowder Plot con- 
spirator), 139 
Lobb. Jasper, 97 
Lockwood, Christopher, 142 
Lockwood, John, 142-3 
Logan, Dr., 233 
Lomas, James, 127 
Lombard, John, 45 
Lombards, Schola of the, 12, 15 
Losthouse, John, 4 2 
Lowe, John, 64, 66, 127 
Lucius III, Pope, forbids pilgrimage 
to Rome, 20 
Lutheranism: speech by Bp. Clerk 
on presenting to Leo X Henry 
VIII's work against Luther, 51 
L ydga te, John: a MS, of his poetical 
works given to the English Col- 
lege. 20 I 

MACAULAY, Lord, visit to Rome 
and the English College. 228, 24 2 . 
Macbeth. King, visit of. to Rome, 
McIntyre, Bp., Rector of the 
English College, 266, 267 
Macpherson, Rev. Paul, Rector of 
Scots College, 180 
Maddon, John, 218 
Mai, Cardinal, 224, 230, 238 
Maitland, Bp. of, 263 
Malabranca, Senator Angelo, de- 
cree of, in protection of pilgrims. 
Mallet. Thomas, 187-8 

28 4 

Manning, Abp.: quoted on Cardinal 
Wiseman's lrfeditations, 242; on 
visit to Wiseman as Rector of the 
Venera bile, 242-3; desire for 
improvement in ecclesiastical 
education, 256; scheme for re- 
organising the Venerabile, 257, 
258; favours the rebuilding of 
the Church of the College, 258, 
262, 265; mentioned, 245 
Marcellus, Pope, 58 
Marinus, Pope, 12, 13 n. 1 
Marshall, Fr. Joseph, 172 
Martin, Dr. Gregory, 64, 66, 69; 
Roma Sancta cited, 43 
Martyrs, English, of the College 
alumni: account of, 118 seq.; 
relics of, 125, 126, 129-30, 135; 
relics of, used in the consecration 
of altars, 122; pictures of, on the 
walls of the College Church, 122 
Mary, Queen (of England), 54, 55, 58 
Mary, Queen of Scots, 61 
Mascherino, 14 
Mass, celebrants of, in England 
punished by penalties attached 
to high treason, 132 
Maynooth College, founded, 179 
Mercurianus, Fr., General of the 
Society of Jesus, 67, 75, 81 
Meredith, Jonah, 149 
M1co, Edmund, 145-6 
Middleton, J. H., cited, 271 
Middleton, Hobert, 137 
Milner, Rev. John, 207, 209 
Milnes, Monckton (Lord Hough- 
ton), 238 
Milton, John, visit of, to Rome, 
191 n., 196, 200 
Mohun, Fr. See Cornelius, john. 
Moleyns (or Molyneux), Adam, of 
Chichester, 32, 42 
Molineux (John Almond), 140-1 
Montague, Lord, 197 
Monte Porzio, 116, 246; visit of 
Pope Leo XII to, 21g-20 
Monteith, Mr., 260 
Montford, Francis, 158 
Moore, Hugh, 129 
Morcelli, De stilo inscriþtiomm
Latinaf'um, cited, 202 n. 
More, Mary, 201 
More, Blessed Sir Thomas, 122, 162; 
A Tragedy of the Blessed Thomas 
More, 190 
More, Thomas (Confessor), 162 
Morgan, Fr. Edward, 143-4 
Morgan, Thomas, 88 
Morone, Cardinal Protector, 62; 
requests Jesuit fathers to super- 
intend studies at the English 


College, 66, 67; attitude to 
rebellion of students in the Col- 
lege, 70, 71 seq.; death, 87; men- 
tioned, 75, 76, 152 
Moroni, Cappella Pontificia, 18g-90 
Morse, Fr. Henry, S.J., 144, 166 
Morton, Dr. Nicholas, 59, 60, 61, 
Morton, Robert, 128-9, 199 
Munden, John, 127 
Murray's Rome quoted, 193 n. 
Mush, John, 64, 66, 71, 83 
NAPOLEON, 203, 204 
National CoIleges, the, placed under 
superiors of their own nation- 
ality, 17g-80; Sir John Coxe 
Hippisley quoted on government 
of, 206 
Naylor, WiIliam, 160 
Nelson, Elijah, 164-5 
Neri, St. Philip, 83, 118 
Neve, Dr., Rector of the English 
College, 256, 257, 258, 262, 264, 
Neville family, 197 
Neville, Edmund, 164-5 
Neville, Sir John, 59 
Newman, Cardinal, 83, 236 
Newport, Richard, 139-40 
Nicholas IV, Pope, 23 n. 1 
Nichols' Collectanea TopograPMca 
cited, 41 n. 1 , 44 
Nicolai, Mgr., 228, 23 1 , 254 
Norfolk, Cardinal of, 170. See 
Howard, Cardinal. 
Norfolk, Duchess of, 260 
Norfolk, 6th Duke of, 200 
Norman Conquest of England, the, 
20; effect on communication 
with Rome, 20 
Norris, Sylvester, 158 
Norway, Catholicity in, 114 
Nutter, Robert, 137 
OATES Plot, the, 145, 146, 166 
Oblate Congregation, 256 
O'Callaghan, Dr., Rector of the 
English College, 205, 25 6 , 257, 
25 8 ,266 
Offa, King of the Mercians, 7-8, 10; 
foundation of Schola Anglorum 
attributed to, 8 n. t , 10, II n. t 
Oldcorne, Fr. -Edward, 138, 139, 
151, 152, 155, 158, 161 
Oliver, Dr., cited, 43; quoted, 155 
Oratory Fathers, the, 95 
Orsini, Fulvio, Imagines et Elogia, 
Oswin, King of Northumbria, 7 
Ottoboni, Cardinal Legate, 23 n. 1 

Our Lady in Sassia, Church of. 
See under S. Maria in Sassia. 
Owen, Christopher, 73 
Owen, Br. Nicholas, 138 
PACCA, Cardinal, 190,217,218 
Pace, Dr. Richard, 50 
Page, Fr. Francis, S.J., 13 8 
Painting, Rome and the art of, 3 
Paleotti, Cardinal (Abp. of Bologna), 
80, 119 
Palmer, John, 30-1 
Palmer, Polidore, 131, 132 
Panzani, Dom Gregory, 200 
Papacy, the, and the Empire: 
dissensions between, as a danger 
of the" Rome journey," 4-5 
Paris, Matthew, quoted on founding 
of the Schola Anglorum, 8, 14; 
on institution of Peter's Pence, 
9; on Offa II, of Mercia, 10 and 
n. t , II n. t 
Parsons, Fr., letter of, to Dr. Allen 
on the insurrection at the Eng- 
lish College, 75-6, 81; anxiety 
on account of insinuations against 
Jesuit rule in the College, 81; 
urges sending of Jesuit priests to 
the English Mission, 76, 81; 
offers himself for the mission 
in India, 81; participates in the 
English :Mission, 81, 83, 123; on 
the farewell visit of missioners 
to St. Charles Bo rrom eo , 84; 
Rector of the English College, 
89, 90; opposes withdrawal of 
Jesuits from direction of the Col- 
lege, 90; publishes his Conference 
about the Next Succession, 96-7; 
attitude to desire of English 
clergy for Bishops, 104, 105; 
enquires into dissensions at the 
College, 107 et seq.; work of, in 
removing Causes of dissension, 
108, 109-I I; appointed Rector 
in 1598 . . " III; death, 188; 
funeral sermon, 188; Latin poem 
in memory of, 188 
Mentioned, 55, 68, 9 1 , 114, 121, 
124, IÚI, 162, 188, 198, 214 
Pascal, John, 79-80, 83 and n. 
Paschal I, Pope, 9, 11-12, 25 
Paston family, 196 
Paul I, Pope, funeral of, I In.- 
Paul III, Pope, 14, 53, 54, 57, 58 
Paul IV, Pope, 55, 57, 58 
Paulet, George, 189 
Pede, Dr. Richard (Dean of Here- 
ford), 42 
Pellegrini, Via dei, 26 
Pepys, cited, 169 



Percy, John, 157 
Peter, Cardinal Deacon of St. 
Eustachius, 20-1 
Peterborough, 14-IS 
Peter's Pence, institution of, 9 and 
n.t, 14 
Peto, William, "Bishop of Salis- 
bury," 54-5, 56 
Petre, Bp., statement of position 
and needs of the English Mission. 
Petre, Lord, 261 
Piccolomini, Æneas Silvius (Pope 
Pius II), 47 n. 
Piccolomini, Francis Tedeschini 
(Pope Pius III), 47 n. 
Pigot, Fr., lú4 
Pilgrim Book of the English Hos- 
pice, 44, 14 0 , 149, 191, 194 seq.; 
distinguished pilgrims, 195 seq. 
Earlier lists of pilgrims, 44, 
194; curious entries in, 45 
Later book, a, 195, 201 
Pilgrimage to Rome. See under 
heading II Rome journey," the. 
Pio, College of the, 249-51, 266 
Pitt, Arthur, 150, 183 
Pitts, 73 
Pius IV, Pope, 58, 59 
Pius VI, Pope, 179, 203 
Pius VII, Pope, 190, 203, 212, 253; 
restores the Suppressed Institu- 
Pius VIII, Pope, 231, 232 
Pius IX, Pope, 193 n., 248, 258, 
262, 26S 
Plasden, Oliver, 131, 132 
Platt, Robert, 218 
Plays acted by students of the Eng- 
lish College, 190-1 
Plunkett, Bp., of Meath, 204 1t. 1 
Polding, Abp., 263 
Pole, Cardinal, appointed Custos of 
the Hospice, 54, 55; his account 
book of the English Hospice, 44, 
55; nearly elected Pope, 56-7; 
otherwise mentioned, 57, 59, 
92 n., 197, 269, 270 
Pole, Sir Geoffrey, 149, 19 ú , 197 
Pollen, Rev. Fr., Institution of the 
Archpriest Blackwell, quoted, 103 
Polton, Bp. Thomas, of Chichester, 
3 2 
Poor, the Father of the (Rev. David 
Lewis), 146 
Pormont {Portmore, Thomas) ,I 32-3 
Pounde, Br. Thomas, IÚ2 
Poynter, Dr., 207, 209, 214 
Preaching: inauguration of the St. 
Stephen's Day sermon in tho 
Sistino Chapel, 185 


Prior, Mgr., cited, 193 n. 
Probert, Fr. Hugh, 183 
Pugh, Henry, 156-7 
Pugin, Edward, 261-2 
Purbeck, Viscount, 157 
Pyne, Robert-at-. See de Pin ea. 
Pynings, Henry, 56 
RAND, Thomas, 161 
Raphael, painting of the rr Inccndio 
del Borgo" by, cited, 13-14 
Rawlin, John, 45 
Rawlins, Fr. Henry, 136 
Reading (Edward Bamber), 145 
Ricci, Fr. Laurenzo, S.J., imprison- 
ment of, 177 
Ricciardi (or Richards), 'Villiam, 28 
Richards, Dr., 245, 246 
Richardson, Laurence, 125 
Riddell, William, 218 
Rishton, Edward, 64, 65, 83, 149- 
50; Diary of Events in the Tower 
of London, 65, ISO 
Roberts, Griffith, 59 
Roberts, Ven. John, 139 
Robinson, Francis, 159 
Robinson, John (of Femsby, 
Yorks.), 159 
Robinson (or Taylor), John, 166 
Rochester, Thomas, 166 
Rock, Daniel, 214, 21S, 218 
RoUensis: a play relating the trial 
and martyrdom of Bd. John 
Fisher, 191 
Rogers, Thomas, 166 
Roman lodging-house keepers in 
the Middle Ages, 27 
Rome: attitude of the barbarians 
in Europe to, changed by the 
spiritual power put forth from 
the City, 2; civilising effect of 
the .. humanity" of, 3-4; Eng- 
lish residents in, form an organ- 
ised community, II; .. dark 
days" of, 16; the quarrels be- 
tween the Emperors and the 
Popes, 19-20; the endeavours to 
establish a republic in, 20; the 
Popes leave Rome, 20; interdict 
of Hadrian IV . . .,20; sack of, 
51 et seq.; English Society of, in 
1644-5 . . ., 191 n. 1 ; attempt to 
revolutionise, 203; proclamation 
of the Roman Republic, 203; 
occupied by French troops, 204; 
annexed to the French Empire,204 
English Colony in. See under 
heading Schola Anglorum. 
National churches in, 259 n. l , 
and see undey names 01 


Pilgrimage to. See .. Rome 
journey," infra. 
Reminiscences of Rome quoted, 
19 2 -3 
II Rome journey," the: the first 
Christian Englishman to make, 
2 ; English pilgrimage to Rome 
before end of seventh century, 3; 
humanitas as the object of, in the 
Middle Ages, 3, 4; difficulties and 
dangers of, 4-6; regularity of, in 
mediæval times, 6; evil character 
of some pilgrims, 7; interest of 
Anglo-Saxon rulers in, 7-8; con- 
tinued during Rome's .. dark 
days," 16, 18; Itinerary of 
Sigeric, Abp. of Canterbury, 16- 
18; pilgrimage forbidden, 20; 
effect of Norman Conquest on 
English pilgrimage, 20; effect of 
loss of the Holy Land, 26; the 
great concourse of peoples at 
Jubilee of 1350 . . ., 26; record 
of pilgrimage in the sixteenth 
century, 44, 4S; effect of the 
defection of Henry VIII on 
pilgrimage, 53 
Romescot, the, 9 
Rosse, Lord, 80 
Rovere, Cardinal, 172 
Rush, John, 218 
SACHEVERALL (apostate), 158 
Sackville, Sir RIchard, 60 
Sackville, Thomas (Earl of Dorset), 
Sailors received at the English 
Hospice in the sixteenth century, 
St. Bernard Pass, the, 16-17; Early 
English coins found in, 17 n. l 
St. Boniface (Apostle of Germany), 
quoted on English pilgrimage to 
Rome, 3; on bad character of 
some women pilgrims, 7 
Sta. Caterina della Ruota, Church 
of, 28 
St. Chrysogono, Church of, 3 1 , 33, 
St. Chrysogonus: the Trastevere 
Hospice dedicated to, 3 1 , 35 
St. Edmund the King: hospital of, 
33 n. 5 ; the chapel of Trastevere 
Hospice dedicated to, 33, 34-S, 
258-9; picture of the patron 
saint in the English College 
Church, 34 
St. Eustachius, Peter, Cardinal 
Deacon of, 20 
S. Joannis in Nono, 17 
St. John, parish of, near Veii, 17 

St. Justin. Church of. 15 
St. Laurenzo in Damaso, 43 
St. Lawrence in Lucina (or in 
Craticula), Church of. 18 
S. Maria in Cosmedin, 10 
S. Maria in Sassia, Church of. 8. 9, 
18; rebuilt by Leo IV . . .. 14 
and n. II; subsequent repairs and 
alterations to, 14; façade, 14; 
an altar in. consecrated by Calix- 
tus II . . ., 19; stricken with 
poverty, 20; the name falls out 
of use. 21, 22; site now occupied 
by Church of S. Spirito, 9, 24-5 
St. Mary and St. Catherine. Church 
of, 28 
St. Mary Major. 85 
St. Michael, Church of. in the Borgo, 
15 and n. s 
St. Orner. Jesuit College of, 115, 
17 6 
St. Paul's-outside-the- Walls: Anglo- 
Saxon coins discovered in, I I 
St. Peter's: bronze gates of, 269 
St. Peter's, old: epitaph of Cæd- 
walla in portico of, 7; thrcatened 
by fire, I I, 12; basilica of, sacked 
by Saracens, 13; vicw of. in 
approaching Rome, 17; the 
Canons of, empowered to deal with 
abuses by Roman lodging-house 
keepers, 27 and n. 1 
San Salvatore, Church of. 15 
S. Saviano, Abbey of, 85, 100. 20 4 
S. Silvestro in Capite, Church of. 
S. Spirito in Sassia, Church of, 9, 
14 n. lI , 24; picture of our Lady 
in, 9; the indulgences to be 
gained there, 23 n. II 
Sacristy of. 10. 24-5, the 
frescoes in, 10, 25 
St. Spiritus, Hospital of, 21-2 ; 
partly endowed by England, 22- 
3 and 23 n. 1 ; indulgences to be 
gained there. 23 and n. 2 ; not the 
counterpart of the Schola Anglo- 
rum. 23; subsequent connection 
with England. 23; an honorary 
confraternity established in con- 
nection with. 23. 24; reconsti- 
tuted, 23. 24; the Liber Frater- 
nitatis S. Spiritus. 24 and n. 1 
St. Stephen's Day sermon in the 
Sistine Chapel, the. 185, 187; 
custom of, revived. 216 
St. Thomas of Canterbury. See 
St. Thomas of Canterbury, Church 
of. See under English College. 
St. Valentine, Church of. 18 



St. Victoria. Priory of, 85, 100 
St. Wilfrid of Hexham, 2, 3 
Salisbury, Countess of, 197 
Salmon, Patrick, 134 
Sampson, monk. of Bury St. 
Edmunds: account of a journey 
to Rome, 4-5 
Sander's History oj the E'Hglish 
Schism, 55, 65, 15 0 
Sandori, Cardinal, 89 
Saracens, the, as a danger of the 
Rome journey, 4; raid Rome in. 
846 . . '. 12, 13; cruelties of. to 
pilgrims recorded in an inscrip- 
tion in Church at Bourg St. 
Pierre, 16 and n. s . 
Sassia, the Saxon burg in Rome, 15 
Saulnier, Fr. Pierre, De caPite S. 
Ordinis S. Spiritus, cited, 24 and 
n. l , 25 
Saviano, Abbey of, 85, 100, 204 
Saxia, the Saxon burg in Rome, 15 
II Saxons, Postern Gate of the." 
Schola Anglorum, the: foundation 
of, 8. 9, 10; work of Ina for, 8-9; 
indebtedness to OHa II, 8 n.!, 10, 
II n. l ; financial support from 
England for, 9, 10. II, 14; con- 
nection with Peter's Pence, 9 
and n. l , 14; modelled on Schola 
of the Greeks, 10; situation of, 
10, 15; organised in the year 
800 . . ., I I ; burned in the reign 
of Paschal I . . " 11-12, 25; 
damaged in Saracen raid, 12, 13; 
damaged by fire in pontificate of 
Sergius II . . " 12; repaired by 
Ethelwulf, 12, 25; first enfran- 
chisement of, 12-13; freedom 
from taxation and obligations 
obtained for, 13; again damaged 
by fire, 13; work of Pope Leo IV 
for, 13-14,25; the ., Postern Gate 
of the Saxons:' 14; in the ninth 
ccntury, 14; furnishes quota of 
militia, 14 ; the largest of the 
foreign scholæ, 15; a place of 
refreshment for pilgrims, I, 18.20. 
22; interest of the Popes in, 18- 
19; the choice of .. supreme .. 
director of, reserved to the Popes. 
19; dependence on the canons of 
St. Peter's, 19; payment of dues, 
19; allowed the privilege of a 
cemetery, 15, 19,46; damaged in 
the struggles with the Emperors, 
20; decay of, on decrease of pil- 
grimage to Rome, 20, 21; the 
Pope appeals to the English 
Church for help for, 8. 20; its 


buildings reconstructed and 
turned into a hospital, 21 seq. 
Schola, foreign, raided by the 
Saracens in 846 . . ., 13 
Schola Francorum: situation of, 
IS, 26; cemetery of, the burial 
place of foreign pilgrims, IS, 19 
Schola Frisonum, IS 
Schola of the Lombards, IS 
Scot, Fr. William, 140 
Scotland: poor clergy in, sub- 
sidised by Government, 179 
Scots, the, and the English during 
schisms of the Middle Ages, 4 
Scots College, 180, 204 n. 2 
Scott, Edith, 41; Edward, 48 
Scott, John, 218; Thomas, 41 
Scratton, Mr., 2S0 
Sea, the, as a danger of the " Rome 
journey," 6 
Sega, Cardinal, Visitation of the 
English College by, 88, 96; Acts 
of Visitation, 88 seq.; account of 
students and revenue, 90; results 
in expulsion of some students, 
9 0 ; second Visitation, 92; report 
on the disturbances considered, 
93 seq.; statement of students' 
grievances, 94-S; the Cardinal's 
view that Jesuits should not be 
withdrawn from the College, 97; 
recommends diminution in num- 
ber of students, 99-100, 102, 103; 
account of College life and tem- 
poral administration, 100-2; on 
causes contributing to disturb- 
ance, 102; suggestions of, adopted 
Sellyng, Prior, 38 
Sergius II, Pope, 12 
Sermons, Disputations and: ac- 
count of participants given in 
the Archives of the English 
College, 181 et seq. 
Seton, John, 59, 60 
Sharples, John, 214, 21S, 218 
Shepherd, Alice, 28, 29 
Shepherd, John, 28, 29, 30 
Sherborne, Dr. Robert (Bp. of 
Chichester), 40, 47, 4 8 , 49 
Sherson (or Sherton), Martin, 128 
Shert, John, 124 
Sherwin, Fr. Ralph, imprisonment 
of, 120-1; martyrdom of, 123- 
4; mentioned, 64, 6S, 83, 84, 181 
Shireburn family, 196 
Shirley, Ralph, 181 
Shirley, Dr. Richard, SI 
Shortland, student, 2S0 
Shrewsbury, Lord, 243 ""I""f 
Sicklemore, Humphrey,


Sigeric, Abp. of Canterbury: his 
I tinerary of journey to Rome 
in the" dark days," 16-18 
Simpson, Edmund CamPion, cited, 
83 n., 84 and n,l 
Singleton (Edward Morgan), 143-4 
Sixtus IV, Pope, 14, 24, 2S, 39 
Sixtus V, Pope, adds façade to 
Church of S. Maria in Sassia, 14; 
appoints Commission to enquire 
into disturbances at the English 
College, 88; summons Dr. Allen 
to Rome, 89; withdraws annual 
subsidy from the College, 90 ; 
mentioned, 93, 13 0 
Smith, George, 156 
Smith, Richard, 139-40 
Smith, Dr. Richard, second Vicar- 
Apostolic in England, 114, 169 
Smith, William, ISI 
Sodality (English College) of the 
Blessed Virgin: granted special 
indulgences by Gregory XIII, 85 
Soissons, Bp. of, 131 
Somaglia, Cardinal, 2 I 3 
Somerville, Mrs., 238 
South cote (ot' Lea), John, 189 
Southern, Fr., IS9 
Southwell, Fr. Robert, S.J., 136 
Southworth, Christopher, IS2 
Southworth, Sir John, IS2; John, 
15 2 
Spencer, Fr. Ignatius, 232-3 
Squarcioni, Don Accarizio, 104 
Stafford, Arthur, 155 
Stafford (or Stanford), Robert, 189 
Standish, Dr. Henry, 4S-6 
Stanford (or Stafford), Robert, 189 
Stanney, Thomas, IS3 
Staple, Adam, 29 
Starkey, John, 163 
Stephen IV, Pope, II 
Stephens, Francis, 166-7 
Stonor, Mgr. Christopher: quoted 
on the choosing of Students to 
be educated at the Venerabile, 
176; on Cardinal Corsini's in- 
tentions, 177; efforts of, to se- 
cure government by English 
superiors, 178, 179; mentioned, 
Stonor, Edmund (afterwards Arch- 
bishop), 250, 251, 262 
Stowe, quoted on foundation of the 
English Hospice, 29, 30; on the 
provision for pilgrims a t the 
Hospice, 43 
Strong, Mrs" note on the Portrait 
of Aristotle, 267 et seq. 
Stubbs, Bp., 1'Ylemorials of St. 
Dunstan, cited, 16 

Succession in England, the, as 
affecting the dispute at the 
English College, 96-7 
Supremacy, oath of, 145, 160 
Sutton Valence, parish of (in Kent), 
contributes to support of English 
Hospice, 4 I 
Sweden, Catholicity in, 114 
Sweet, John, 163-4 
Swinburne, Henry, 201, 202 n.; epi- 
taph of his daughter in the 
Church of the English College, 202 
Sykes, Edmund, 198 
TAILER, Edward, 59,61 
Talacre, Robert, 59 
Talbot, Mgr., Protonotary Apos- 
tolic: project of the Collegio 
Ecclesiast-ico, 249, 250; becomes 
Pro-Protector of the English 
College, 256, 258; attitude to 
Dr. Neve, 256; suggests placing 
the English College again under 
Jesuit direction, 257; proposes 
appointment of Fr. O'Callaghan, 
258; work for rebuilding the 
Church of the College, 258 seq. 
Tandy, Dr., 238 
Tasker, Miss, 260 
Taylor, John, 166 
Taylour, Dr. Edmund, 59, 61, 64 
Tempest, Edward, 157-8 
Tempest, Robert, 155 
Tesimond, Oswald, 152 
Testa, Abbate, 228 
Testa, Mgr., 228, 229 
Thedder, William, 150 
Thimelby, Matthew, 189 
Thirkeld, Blessed Richard, 122 
Thorfinn, Earl of Orkneys, effect 
of the II humanity" of Rome 
on, 3-4 . 
Thornborough, Bp. of Worcester, 164 
Thornham, Sir John, 29 
Throckmorton, Edward, account of 
his life and death, 181-2; his 
sermon in the College Refectory, 
181, 185 
Throckmorton, Michael, 54, 56 
Thulis (or Thules), Christopher, 150 
Thulis (or Thules), John, 141-2, 151 
Thwaytes, Richard, 33 
Thwing, Edward, 136-7 
Tichbourne, Fr., 105; Thomas, 138 
Tierney, Canon, on the dispute at 
the English College, quoted, 95-6; 
on the arrest of Bishop and 
Charnock, 105; cited, 110 
Tilney, Anthony, 164 
Tippets, John, 119-20, 151-2 
Tolentino, Peace of. 203 



Toleto, Cardinal, 91, 98, 102 
Tracy, -, custos of the English 
Hospice, 37 
Trapozuntius, Georgius, 269 
Trastevere, English Hospice, 31. 
3 2 ; the original fou
ders of, 3 I ; 
names of brethren of, 32; con- 
nection with the earlier founda- 
tion in the Via Monserrato, 32-3, 
36; chapel of St. Edmund added 
to, 33, 34-5, 258-9; other endow- 
ments, 33; makes loans to the 
establishment of St. Thomas, 33; 
dedication of, 35; account of 
property and management, 35; 
vineyards of, 35 ; union with 
Hospice of St. Thomas, 3 6 , 37 
Trent, Council of, 54 
Trollope, I I I 
Tunis, Crown Prince of, 196 
Turnbyll, Richard, 201 
Turner, William, 218 
Twiford, J o11u, 29 
Tyrrel, Anthony, 129 
ULLATHORNE, Bp., quoted on Bp. 
Grant, 247-9 
Urban VIII, Pope, 189 
Urry, John, Prebendary of Lincoln, 
3 2 
U rswick, Christopher, 46 
VAl, Stephen, 25 
Varley, Rev. Robert, 213 
Vaughan, Herbert (Cardinal), 265 
Vaux family, the, 159 
Vavasour, Mr., 154 
Vavasour, Sir Thomas, 197 
Verstigen, Richard, 198 
Vespignani, Signor, 261, 262 
Vico, Enea, portrait-plaque of Aris- 
totle by, 268 
II Vicus Saxonum," the, 10 
Vincenzo: octogenarian porter, 211 
Vitelleschi, Fr., S.J " 91, 151 
Vitelleschi, Mgr., 250 
\VALES, James Edward Francis, 
Prince of, 169 
Walker (or Bentley), Henry, 188 
Wall, Fr. John, 145 
Walpole, Fr. Henry, S.J., 136 
Walpole family, 196 
Walsingham, 88 
Ward, Bp., Eve of Cathohc Eman- 
cipation,quoted, 207 et seq. passim 
Ward, Wilfrid, Life of Cardinal 
'Wiseman, quoted, 210 seq. passim 
Ward, Fr. William, 167 
Wardour Castle, siege of, 162 
Warner, Dr. John, 45 


Watkinson, Robert, 137-8 
Weddisbury, Dam John, a.s.B.. 
tombstone of. 50 
Weedall, Dr.. 233 
Weld, Fr., S.J., 265 
\Velles. John. Abbot (of Eggleston). 
3 2 
Wells, Swithun, 131. 132, 153 
Welsh strangers entertained by the 
English Hospice, 45. 195 
Westminster Abbey: the Confes- 
sor's tomb in, 3 n. 7 
Westmoreland, Earl of, 197 
Weston, Robert. Government spy. 
Wharton, Thomas, 165 
Whitall, Hugh. 159 
White, Eustace, 131. 199 
White (or Whyte, 01' Wight), John. 
31, 32; establishes the Hospice 
in Trastevere, 31, 36; establishes 
a religious fraternity, 32, 40; 
connection with Hospice of St. 
Thomas, 32-3; builds a chapel 
for Trastevere Hospice. 33 ; 
death, 33 
White. Rev. \Villiam, 213 
Whithers, Walter, 29 
Whittaker, Thomas, 145 
Whittingham, William, 165 
Widmerpool, Robert. 130 
Wilcox, Robert, 130 
Wilds. Rev. William, 207 
Williamson, Edward, 163 
Wilson (Robert Watkinson), 137-8 
Winchester, Henry, Bp. of (brother 
of King Stephen), cited, 3 n. 6 
Windleront, Rübert, 29 
Winter, Mr. (of Worcestershire), 199 
Winter (01' Wintour), Robert. 199 
Wisbeach, disputes of. II2 
Wiseman, Cardinal, 209-10; first 
impression of the English College, 
210; received by Pius VII, 212; 
successes as student, 214-15; 
reputation as a scholar, 216; 
preaches the St. Stephen's Day 
sermon, 216; If publIc act JJ of, 
216, 219; receives D.D. degree, 
2 I 7; Vice-Rector of the English 
College, 220, 254; Pro-Rector, 
222, 223; confirmed as Rector, 
223, 226, 227.254; scholastic and 
ecclesiastical position in Rome, 
223 seq., 239; his doings in Rome 
noted in the Diario di Roma, 
223 n.; friendship with Cardinal 
Mai, 224-5; appointed Professor 
of Oriental Languages, 225; 
sermons preached in Rome, 226; 
daily occupations at this period, 


228 seq.; Catholic Emancipation 
rejoicings, 231; unsparing labour 
at the College, 233; life at Monte 
Porzio, 233-6; meets Newman 
and Hurrell Froude, 236-7 and n. ; 
contemplates transferring to Eng- 
land, 237; lectures on Science 
and Religion, 238-9; friends and 
correspondents, 239; establishes 
the Dublin Review, 239; last 
years at Rome, 239 seq.; visited 
by Lord Macaulay, Mr. Gladstone 
and Dr. Manning, 242-4; ap- 
pointed coadjutor to Bishop 
Walsh, 244; and President of 
Oscott College, 244; consecrated 
as Bishop, 244, 247; farewell to 
the English College, 244-6; life- 
long affection for Rome and the 
English College, 245-6; ap- 
proval of the Collegio Ecclesi- 
astico, 249-50; on the influence 
of Rome and its College, 250; 
on the appointment of Dr. 
English, 251 seq.; anxiety re- 
garding government of the 
College, 251 seq. 
Horæ Syriacæ, 223-4, 225, 227, 
229; Meditations, 242; Re- 
collections of the Last Four 
Popes, 210, 212, 224-5, 226, 
23 1 
Impressions of, 239 seq.; his 
versatility, 240-1; inter- 
course with the students, 
241-2; relations with the 
Jesuits, 242; as a spiritual 
counsellor, 242; paternal 
affection for the young, 246 
Otherwise mentioned, 205, 218, 
Wissant, Witsand, 16 n.' 
Witoff, Hugh. 159 
Wolley, II I 
Wolsey, Cardinal, 39, 50, 51 
Woodcock (John Farrington). 144-5 
Woodward, Philip, 152-3 
Worthington, Dr.. President of 
Douay College, 161, 163, 188; 
Catalogue of Martyrs, cited, 15 8 
Worthington. John, 161, 188 
Worthington. Laurence, 161 
Worthington, Richard (i), 188 
Worthington. Richard (ii). 161. 188 
Wrenno, Roger, 141 
Wright, William, 153-4 
Writtle (Essex), Church of. 23 n.' 
Wynchcombe. Mr., 154 
Y ATE. John, 157 and n. 
Yelverton family, the. 196 

Y nge, Hugh. See Inge
York, Cardinal of, 180 
York, Duchess of, presents plate to 
the English Hospice, 39, 46 
Yorkshire: Fraternity of the Roman 
Hospice in, 42 



Young. Francis. 161 
Young, James (Government spy), 
visits the English College, 198 
ZURLA, Cardinal, 216. 217. 218. 
219, 220. 228